Ex Libris
C. K. OGDEN
THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
LOS ANGELES
MRS. FITZHERBERT AND
GEORGE IV
MRS. FITZHERBERT
AND
GEORGE IV
BY
W. H. WILKINS, M.A, F.S.A.
AUTHOR OF
"THE LOVE OF AN UNCROWNED QUEEN"
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. I
WITH ILLUSTRATIONS
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON
NEW YORK AND BOMBAY
1905
All rights reserved
DA
v.i
TO
THE LADY CONSTANCE LESLIE
YOUNGEST DAUGHTER
OF
MRS. FITZHERBERT'S ADOPTED DAUGHTER
THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED
PREFACE
THE marriage of Mrs. Fitzherbert and George,
Prince of Wales, afterwards George IV., is one
of the romances of the later Georgian era. The
extraordinary secrecy that surrounded the marriage,
the fact that it was twice denied in the House of
Commons, the persistence of the rumour that as-
serted its existence, the religious and constitutional
questions involved by the secret marriage of the
heir-apparent to the Throne with a Roman Catholic
lady of good, but not of royal, birth, combine to
make it one of the most interesting events in the
history of the House of Hanover.
Though references to Mrs. Fitzherbert, more or
less correct, and more or less detailed, may be found
in many letters, memoirs, and diaries of the period,
there is a great lack of definite information concern-
ing herself and her marriage with the Prince of
Wales. Her personality was a very elusive one,
and her dislike to publicity deepened the mystery
which surrounded her throughout her long life.
Yet it was her intention that her authorised bio-
graphy should one day be written, and the truth
of her marriage be told. To that end, in 1833,
Vlll
PREFACE
she reserved certain papers from destruction, and
deposited them in Messrs. Coutts's Bank ; to that
end also she dictated to Lord Stourton, her cousin
and trustee, a short narrative of her life, to be
published when he should think fit. Lord Stourton
died without having completed the task ; for though,
with Lord Albemarle, he was a trustee of Mrs.
Fitzherbert's papers at Coutts's Bank, the Duke of
Wellington, who represented the late king, George
IV., refused him permission to see them. Before
his death in 1846, Lord Stourton committed to his
brother, the Hon. Charles Langdale, the duty
which Mrs. Fitzherbert had laid upon him. Mr.
Langdale, like his brother, Lord Stourton, failed,
for reasons given in detail elsewhere,1 to obtain
the papers at Coutts's Bank, which Mrs. Fitz-
herbert had placed there for the express purpose
of vindicating her honour ; but he published in
1856 a brief memoir, entitled "Memoir of Mrs.
Fitzherbert, with an account of her Marriage with
H.R.H. the Prince of Wales, afterwards King
George IV." This volume, incomplete though it
is, is the only memoir of Mrs. Fitzherbert worthy
of the name, and nearly all subsequent writers have
drawn their information from this source alone.
Only a limited number of copies of the book were
printed ; Mr. Langdale refused to allow a second
edition to appear, and it has long been out of print.
1 Vide vol. ii., Appendix A, " The Fitzherbert Papers."
PREFACE ix
Since 1856, numerous applications have been
made by representatives of Mrs. Fitzherbert's
family, and others, to see the papers which she
deposited at Coutts's Bank, but these applications
have always been refused, as they were refused to
Lord Stourton and to Mr. Langdale. How far
these documents proved the disputed fact of her
marriage to George, Prince of Wales, has there-
fore remained an open question. From time to
time, memoirs have been published of famous
personages who lived in the later Georgian era,
and in these, with few exceptions, the marriage of
Mrs. Fitzherbert and of the Prince of Wales has
been discussed ; though the versions differed widely,
the discussions have at least served to keep alive
the interest in the subject. Moreover, Mrs. Fitz-
herbert was connected by birth and marriage with
many of our old Roman Catholic families ; among
these, and indeed in all the great Roman Catholic
families in the kingdom, the subject of her relations
with George IV. is, and always had been, a matter
of great interest. Though her marriage was illegal,
she was regarded by them as the canonical wife of
George IV. ; and the refusal to publish the papers
necessary to place her honour beyond doubt was
regarded by many Roman Catholics as a slight
on their religion, and by her family and friends as
a slur on her memory. Moreover, the persistent
refusal for seventy years to allow these papers
x PREFACE
to be published, has given rise to many false and
improbable stories concerning their contents.
Some three or four years ago, certain members
of Mrs. Fitzherbert's family placed sundry papers
in my hands for the purpose of writing her bio-
graphy in a fuller and more connected manner
than the memoir of Mr. Langdale. It was felt
that the time had arrived for carrying out Mrs.
Fitzherbert's wishes, and completing the task which
Lord Stourton had failed to accomplish, and Mr.
Langdale had only partly achieved. The distance
of time, and the fact that all the characters in the
drama were long since dead, was thought to form
a sufficient guarantee that no susceptibilities could
be wounded by reviving the subject. The events
of which I was to write — of which I have written
— took place nearly a century ago, some of them
more than a century ; a whole generation, nearly
two generations, had passed away, and neither
George IV. nor Mrs. Fitzherbert left any descend-
ants. The story of their marriage was therefore
considered to have passed into the domain of
history, and become a subject for legitimate his-
torical research.
Notwithstanding the difficulty, due, for the most
part, to the scanty material at my disposal, I
accepted the task, for the subject has always
interested me, and the Hanoverian period is one
I have been working at for the last ten years.
PREFACE xi
As I proceeded with the work, the difficulties grew
less, for I received the kindest encouragement and
assistance from the descendants of many of Mrs.
Fitzherbert's relatives and friends, who placed
letters and pictures at my disposal and gave
me all information in their power. But I felt
from the first that no biography of Mrs. Fitzher-
bert would be worth the writing which did not
prove beyond all doubt the fact of her marriage
with George, Prince of Wales. I felt that the
marriage could never be proved without reference
to the papers which Mrs. Fitzherbert had placed
at Coutts's Bank in 1833 f°r tnat express purpose.
These papers were still in existence, and, acting
with the approval of the representatives of Mrs.
Fitzherbert's family and friends, I made an appli-
cation to His Majesty to see them, at the same
time submitting the peculiar circumstances of the
case. His Majesty was graciously pleased to grant
my request, and I have been allowed to inspect
the papers, and to publish in this book such of
them, or such extracts from them, as seemed
necessary for my purpose.
Without these documents it would have been
impossible to vindicate completely Mrs. Fitzherbert's
character. To His Majesty's generous permission
is therefore due the fact that the honour and
virtue of this much misunderstood woman are now
established beyond doubt, and her memory cleared
xii PREFACE
from every shadow or stain. By his chivalrous
action in this matter, His Majesty has won, in
especial degree, the loyal gratitude of those Roman
Catholic families (and they are many) with whom
Mrs. Fitzherbert was allied by birth or by marriage,
and in a wider sense the gratitude of all honourable
men and women. In her lifetime a great wrong
was done to her ; now, nearly seventy years after
her death, that wrong has been set right.
I have called this book " Mrs. Fitzherbert and
George IV." I have done so because it is impos-
sible to write the life of Mrs. Fitzherbert without
writing also of him with whom her life, for nearly
half a century, was interwoven. The book is
primarily a biography of Mrs. Fitzherbert (" Maria
Fitzherbert, wife of George IV.," as the "Dic-
tionary of National Biography " calls her) ; it is
not a biography of George IV., except so far as
his life, directly or indirectly, touches hers. But it
touches hers so largely that I have felt justified in
giving it the more comprehensive title. I shall
not be thought to belittle the work of many ex-
cellent writers, when I say that a dispassionate life
of George IV., based upon his letters and papers
(of which there exist a good many unpublished),
has yet to be written. These documents alone
would reveal the true man, his wayward moods,
his abilities which were considerable, his eccentri-
cities which were many — all there is to praise and
PREFACE xiii
all there is to blame in this prince, perhaps the most
abused of English kings, and, like many another
man, often abused unjustly.
I have now only to express my indebtedness to
those who have kindly helped me with this book.
My humble thanks are first due to His Majesty
the King for permitting me to see, and to quote
from, the Fitzherbert papers, formerly at Messrs.
Coutts's Bank, now in the private archives of
Windsor Castle. His Majesty has also graciously
allowed me to publish certain letters of the Duke
of Kent, the Duke of York, and other members
of the royal family to Mrs. Fitzherbert, which
will be found in this book.
I have next to express my gratitude to Sir
Walter Smythe, Bart., the present head of Mrs.
Fitzherbert's family, without whose sanction this
book would not have been written. I have also
to thank Lady Smythe for the kind assistance she
has rendered to me.
My thanks are especially due to Lady Blanche
Haygarth and Lady Constance Leslie, the sur-
viving daughters of the Hon. Mrs. George Dawson
Darner (nde Seymour), Mrs. Fitzherbert's adopted
daughter. These ladies have given me the
greatest help by the loan of letters and pictures,
and in many other ways. I have thanked them
in detail elsewhere, but I should like to express
my acknowledgments here as well.
xiv PREFACE
To Viscount Esher I owe a debt of gratitude
for the invaluable aid he rendered me with regard
to certain documents quoted in this book.
My thanks are due to Mr. Basil Fitzherbert, the
present head of the Fitzherbert family, Mr. Charles
Weld-Blundell, and to the late Mrs. William Lang-
dale, daughter-in-law of the late Hon. Charles
Langdale, cousin of Mrs. Fitzherbert, and author
of her " Memoir." Messrs. Coutts also I thank
for their courtesy.
I also wish to convey my grateful thanks to the
following, who, in divers ways, specified elsewhere,
have helped to make this book more complete,
either by the loan of letters, pictures, or in other
ways : —
His Grace the Duke of Rutland, K.G. ; The
Marquess of Zetland ; The Earl of Albemarle ;
The Earl Manvers ; The Dowager Countess
Manvers ; The Countess of Munster ; The Earl
of Munster ; Viscountess Ebrington ; Viscount
Halifax ; The Lady Horatia Erskine ; The Lady
Catherine Milnes Gaskell ; The Lady Dorothea
Rycroft; The Hon. C. R. Spencer, M.P. ; The
Hon. Gerald Ponsonby ; The Hon. Frederick
Wallop; Major General Sir Arthur Ellis, K.C.V.O. ;
Colonel Kenyon-Slaney, M.P. ; The Rev. Canon
Johnson, V.G. (of St. John the Baptist's Church,
Brighton, where Mrs. Fitzherbert is buried) ; Dr.
Chepmell ; The Rev. A. C. Lowth ; The Rev.
PREFACE xv
M. Gavin, S.J. ; Miss Mary Arthur ; Mr. J. G.
Bishop (the historian of the Brighton Pavilion) ;
Mrs. Francis Blundell ; Mr. W. B. Boulton ; Miss
Selina Bridgeman ; Mr. Joseph W. Brooks ; Miss
Dundas ; Mr. S. M. Ellis ; Miss Gurwood ; Mr.
John Haines ; Mr. John Harrington ; Miss Lang ;
Mr. William Saunders ; Mr. Arthur G. Sander-
son ; Miss Thornhill ; Miss Thorold ; and Mr.
Towner.
VOL. I.
CONTENTS
CHAP. PAGE
I. BIRTH AND PARENTAGE i
II. LULWORTH AND SWYNNERTON . .13
III. PRINCE CHARMING 26
IV. FLIGHT 47
V. SURRENDER . . . . ' . . ,72
VI. THE MARRIAGE . . . . . .96
VII. THE VALIDITY OF THE MARRIAGE . 106
VIII. PERILOUS HONOURS 132
IX. CARLTON HOUSE AND BRIGHTON . 153
X. DENIAL OF THE MARRIAGE . . .173
XI. SHERIDAN'S APOLOGY 198
XII. A QUEEN OF HEARTS . . . .217
XIII. THE STRUGGLE FOR THE REGENCY . 233
XIV. FAMILY QUARRELS 261
XV. SUNSHINE AND SHADOW . . . .282
XVI. THE FIRST SEPARATION . . . .304
XVII. THE PRINCE'S WILL 331
xvii
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
MRS. FITZHERBERT Frontispiece
(From the painting by THOMAS GAINSBOROUGH,
by permission of A. G. SANDERSON, Esq.)
WALTER SMYTHE, ESQ. (Mrs. Fitzherbert's
father), in the uniform of an officer in
the Austrian Army. .... To face page 4
(From a Painting at Acton Burnell, by permission
(/Sir WALTER SMYTHE, Bart.)
TONG CASTLE, SHROPSHIRE, stated to be Mrs.
Fitzherbert's birthplace .... „ 6
(From a Photo by Miss SELINA BRIDGEMAN)
HATTON HILL FARM, SHIFNAL, SHROPSHIRE
(alleged to have been Mrs. Fitzherbert's
birthplace) ...... „ 10
(From a Photo by Miss SELINA BRIDGEMAN)
ACTON BURNELL PARK, SHROPSHIRE, the seat
of Sir Walter Smythe, Bart. (Mrs. Fitz-
herbert's ancestral home) ... „ 14
MRS. WELD, afterwards Mrs. Fitzherbert „ 18
(From a Miniature by GEORGE COSWAY, R.A.,
by permission of A. G. SANDERSON, ESQ.)
MARBLE HILL FROM THE RIVER (where Mrs.
Fitzherbert was living when she first met
the Prince of Wales) „ 24
KEW PALACE, where George, Prince of Wales,
was born ....... „ 30
CARLTON HOUSE, facing Pall Mall „ 30
XIX
xx LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
GEORGE, PRINCE OF WALES .... To face page 40
(From the Painting by THOMAS GAINSBOROUGH
at Aske, by permission of the MARQUESS OF
ZETLAND)
AIX-LA-CHAPELLE, whither Mrs. Fitzberbert
fled in 1784 „ 54
GEORGE, PRINCE OF WALES, AS "FLORIZEL" „ 72
(After the Painting by GEORGE COSWAV, R.A.)
MRS. FlTZHERBERT „ 88
(After the Painting by GEORGE COSWAY, R.A.)
GEORGE, PRINCE OF WALES, AND MRS. FITZ-
HERBERT ...... „ 1OO
(After Miniatures by GEORGE COSWAY, R.A.,
now in possession of the EARL OF PORTAR-
LINGTON. From a Photograph by Miss HICKS-
BEACH)
THE DUCHESS OF GLOUCESTER (nle Walpole) „ 108
THE DUCHESS OF CUMBERLAND (nee Luttrell) ,, 120
(After the Painting by GEORGE COSWAY, R.A.)
MRS. FlTZHERBERT ..... „ 142
(From the Painting by JOHN RUSSELL, R.A.,
at Swynnerton. By permission of BASIL FlTZ-
HERBERT, ESQ.)
THE PAVILION, BRIGHTON, IN 1778 . . „ 168
(From an old Print)
CHARLES JAMES Fox „ 188
RICHARD BRINSLEY SHERIDAN ... „ 204
(After the Painting by Sir JOSHUA REYNOLDS)
MARTHA GUNN, the Brighton Bathing-woman „ 218
WELTJE, the Prince's Cook and Major-domo . „ 218
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xxi
FREDERICK, DUKE OF YORK AND BISHOP OF
OSNABRUCK ...... To face page 226
MRS. FlTZHERBERT „ 248
(After an unfinished Painting by Sir JOSHUA
REYNOLDS, by permission of Lady BLANCHE
HAYGARTH)
GEORGE III „ 262
QUEEN CHARLOTTE ..... „ 262
WATCH GIVEN TO MRS. FITZHERBERT BY
THE PRINCE OF WALES (blue enamel set
with pearls) ...... „ 284
(By permission of Mr. JOHN HAINES)
THE DUKE OF SUSSEX „ 298
THE PRINCESS ELIZABETH, daughter of George
III., Landgravine of Hesse-Homburg . „ 298
THE PRINCESS CAROLINE OF BRUNSWICK . ,, 322
(From a Picture in the Palace at Brunswick}
MRS. FITZHERBERT „ 340
(From a Painting by GEORGE COSWAY, R.A.,
by permission of Lady BLANCHE HAYGARTH)
CORRIGENDA
Vol. I., p. 88, footnote 2, for "Guildford" read " Guilford."
Vol. I., p. 89, footnote \tfor "Guildford" read "Guilford."
Vol. I., Preface, p. xiv, and Vol. II., p. 222, footnote, &c., for
"Ebrington" read " Fortescue." (Since these pages passed
through the press Viscountess Ebrington, by Lord Ebrington's
succession to the earldom, has become the Countess Fortescue.)
Mrs. Fitzherbert and George IV.
MRS. FITZHERBERT AND
GEORGE IV
CHAPTER I
BIRTH AND PARENTAGE
(1756—1775)
MARIA FITZHERBERT was born on July 26, 1756,
in the latter part of the reign of George II. She
was the eldest child of Walter Smythe, second
son of Sir John Smythe, Baronet, of Eshe Hall,
Durham, and of Acton Burnell Park, Shropshire,
by his marriage with Mary, the daughter of
John Errington of Red Rice, Andover, Hamp-
shire.
The Smythes are an old Roman Catholic family,
originally hailing from the north of England.
Sir Edward Smythe, the first baronet, owed his
baronetcy to Charles II., who conferred it upon him
after the Restoration in recognition of the services
he had rendered to the royal cause during the great
rebellion. The civil war had seriously impoverished
the family fortunes, but Sir Edward Smythe re-
paired them by marrying Mary, daughter and co-
heiress of Sir Richard Lee, Baronet, of Langley and
VOL. I. A
2 MRS. FITZHERBERT
Acton Burnell. By this alliance the Shropshire
estates came into possession of the Smythes, and
Acton Burnell became, and has remained until this
day, the principal seat of the family. The mansion
is a handsome building of white stone, surrounded
by a finely timbered deer park, and commanding a
view of the distant Wrekin. Acton Burnell has
historical associations. In the park are the ruins of
an ancient castle, and near it are the remains of an
immense tithe-barn. Here Edward I. held his
parliament in 1283, when the celebrated statute of
Acton Burnell was passed ; the nobles assembled in
the castle, and the Commons sat in the barn.
In the old parish church hard by are many
monuments of the Smythe family. There is a
Roman Catholic chapel in the mansion originally
built for a company of Benedictine monks who
fled from France at the time of the Revolution,
and were sheltered at Acton Burnell. One of
the most interesting legends of Acton Burnell is
that here was laid the scene of the introductory
chapter of " John Inglesant." The place is steeped
in the traditions of those who have held fast to
the old faith.
Belonging to the great cousinhood of the old
Roman Catholic families in England, the Smythes
have allied themselves before and since Mrs. Fitz-
herbert's day with many illustrious houses of the
same religion, such as the Arundells of Wardour,
the Stourtons, the Staffords, the Stonors, the Jer-
ninghams, the Cliffords, the Welds, the Blounts,
the Fitzherberts, the Erringtons, the Herberts,
BIRTH AND PARENTAGE 3
and many others too numerous to be mentioned
here. The Smythes have always been distin-
guished for their fine sense of patriotism and
loyalty. The family motto is Regi semper fidelis,
and the beautiful daughter of their house, whose
story will be told in this book, certainly acted
upon it. None was more faithful to her king
than she ; none suffered more for that fidelity.
Mr. Walter S my the, Mrs. Fitzherbert's father,
was a younger son, and received only a younger
son's portion of the family fortune. It was difficult
for him to supplement it, for, in consequence of the
penal laws then existing against Roman Catholics,
every career, at that time considered suitable for
a youth of his birth and breeding, was closed to
him. His desire was to serve his country in the
profession of arms, but he was ineligible for either
the army or the navy. He therefore followed the
example of many other young Englishmen, sons of
Roman Catholic nobility and gentry, and accepted
a commission in the Austrian army. There is a
picture of him at Acton Burnell in an Austrian
uniform of green and scarlet, a handsome, soldierly-
looking man, with flashing eyes and the aquiline
nose characteristic of his race.
Walter Smythe entered the service of the Em-
peror of Austria shortly before the Jacobite rising
of 1745. It was perhaps well for him that he was
out of England at that time, for the Smythes,
like all Roman Catholics, harassed by unjust laws,
sympathised with the cause of the Stuarts. Few
English Roman Catholics were directly concerned
4 MRS. FITZHERBERT
in the rising, but when Charles Edward came
south of the Border many of the younger Catholic
nobility and gentry were ready to flock to his
standard. Some did so and were involved in his
ruin.
Walter Smythe did not come to back England
until some years after the battle of Culloden had
extinguished the hopes of the Stuarts. By then
the great bulk of the English Roman Catholics had
come to acquiesce hopelessly in the establishment of
the Hanoverian dynasty, though for some the White
Rose still retained its fragrance. Shortly after
Walter Smythe's return he married, in 1755, Mary,
daughter of Mr. John Errington, a cadet of the
ancient Northumberland family of that name, with
whom the Smythes of county Durham were re-
motely connected. Mary Errington had great
beauty, and a moderate fortune — in those days a
not inconsiderable dower. They were married
(according to tradition, for there exists no record of
the marriage) at Acton Burnell, where Walter's
elder brother, Sir Edward Smythe, was then the
reigning baronet. For the first few months of their
married life they appear to have resided at Acton
Burnell, and then they moved to Tong Castle, in
the same county. Tong, an ancient castle dating
back in legend to Saxon times, had passed into
the possession of the last Duke of Kingston, who
seldom resided there, and was then wishing to
sell it. The Duke probably lent Tong to Walter
Smythe for a time ; it is possible that he appointed
him, as a neighbour, to look after the management
WALTER SMYTHE, ESQ.
MRS. FITZHERBERT'S FATHER
In the Uniform of an Officer in the Austrian Army
(From a Painting at Acton Burnell, by permission of Sir WALTER SMYTHE, Bart.)
BIRTH AND PARENTAGE 5
of the estate ; it is certain that Smythe and his wife
were residing at the castle in 1756. According to
one authority, and agreeably also to family tradition,
it was here that their eldest child, who in after
years became celebrated as Mrs. Fitzherbert, was
born, on July 26, 1756. It is impossible, however,
to speak with certainty on this point ; for there
exists no public register of her birth owing to the
fact that she was the child of Roman Catholic
parents, and born previous to any measure of relief.
Family registers were often kept (in Mrs. Fitz-
herbert's case even they were wanting), and wealthy
parents used to have medals struck in commemo-
ration of the birth of their children. Neither
does there exist any record of her baptism. The
priests in charge of the chief Roman Catholic
missions had private registers, but these were not
kept in the chapels.1 According to the genealogical
chart of the Smythe family, the child was christened
Mary Anne, and she is thus denominated in the
family tree at Acton Burnell, but Mrs. Fitzherbert
signed herself " Maria," and under that name she
was always known.
The only written authority in support of Mrs.
Fitzherbert having been born at Tong is to be
found in a book on the castle2 wherein the author
says : —
1 For instance, at the beginning of the baptismal register kept at
the Roman Catholic Church of the Holy Apostles, Norwich, there is
written on the fly-leaf as follows : " A Register of Baptisms copied
from Mr. Angler's, beginning from September 1775, no one being
kept before by reason of the penal laws."
2 "A History of Tong and Boscobel," by George Griffiths, 1894.
6 MRS. FITZHERBERT
" Mr. H. F. Vaughan writes to me (November
17, 1884): Mrs. Fitzherbert, the wife of George
IV., was born in the ' Red Room' at Tong Castle,
having arrived somewhat unexpectedly during a
visit of her parents at Tong, as I was informed by
the late Madame Durant, with whose family my
own was intimate." This Madame Durant, n£e
Lafeve, was the daughter - in - law of the George
Durant who purchased Tong Castle from the Duke
of Kingston in 1762,* so that the testimony is fairly
direct. It would be in the fitness of things also
if Mrs. Fitzherbert were born at Tong, for many
famous women have been connected with the
ancient castle, but none, it may be safely said,
more celebrated than she. Tong is associated
with Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, whose father,
Evelyn, Duke of Kingston, owned it ; with Venetia,
Lady Digby, whose beauty formed the theme of
Ben Jonson's " Eupheme," and with the witty
and scandalous Elizabeth Chudleigh, Duchess of
Kingston.
There exists, however, a local tradition to the
effect that Mrs. Fitzherbert was not born at Tong
Castle, but at a farmhouse in the neighbouring
village of Shifnal. Mr. and Mrs. Smythe, so the
legend runs, were residing at Tong Castle in 1756,
but as the time drew near for the lady's first con-
finement, her husband determined to take her to
1 Mr. George Durant "improved" the castle built by Sir Henry
Vernon in 1500 on the site of an older one, by re-facing it with a
mixed Moorish and Gothic exterior. The ownership of the Durants
lasted nearly a century. In 1855 Tong Castle was sold to the Earl of
Bradford.
w
Hi
h
•x
«!
o
o
o
H
BIRTH AND PARENTAGE 7
London for the event. They appear to have delayed
their departure too long. They started from Tong
one fine morning in July, on their journey to London,
and were driving in the family coach along the old
posting road, when Mrs. Smythe was suddenly
taken ill. As it was impossible to proceed on their
journey, they took refuge in a farmhouse near by.
In this modest dwelling, a few hours later, on July
26, 1756, Maria Fitzherbert was born.1 It is an
old red brick house, known as Hatton Hill Farm,
in the parish of Shifnal, and is still standing. It
appears to have been re-faced and to have had new
windows put in, but otherwise it looks much the
same as it might have done a hundred and fifty
years ago.
Shortly after the birth of their eldest child, Mr.
and Mrs. Smythe left Shropshire and bought an
estate at Brambridge, near Winchester, which be-
came their permanent home. Their reason for
settling in Hampshire was doubtless because Mr.
Errington, Mrs. Smythe's brother, lived not far off,
at Red Rice, in the same county. The house at
Brambridge was a comfortable, roomy mansion
without any pretension, the sort of house that a
country squire of moderate means might occupy. It
dated from Charles II.'s reign, and was approached
by a double avenue of limes.2 At Brambridge in
1 I am indebted for this anecdote to Colonel Kenyon Slaney, M.P.,
of Hatton Grange, Shifnal, Shropshire. He was told it by his great-
aunt Mrs. Holmes, who was a Miss Harriet Slaney, and who died in
1893 at the age of ninety.
2 A fire in 1872 burnt the old house to the ground. It has since
been rebuilt : the avenue of limes still stands.
8
MRS. FITZHERBERT
the succeeding years Mrs. Smythe gave birth to
her other children, four sons and a daughter,1
and some of their descendants lived there until
a comparatively recent date. The Smythes
were firmly attached to their religion, and one
of their first acts at Brambridge was to fit up
a room in a house in the village as a chapel,
where a priest occasionally celebrated Mass.
Later, when the Relief Acts made it possible,
they established a Roman Catholic mission in the
1 SHORT PEDIGREE OF MRS. FITZHERBERT.
Sir JOHN SMYTHE = CONSTANTIA, dau. of
(3rdBart.),
d. 1737.
George Blount,
Esq., sister of Sir
Edward Blount
(4th Bart.).
Sir EDWARD SMYTHE (4th Bart.), £.1719, WALTER, CONSTANTIA, m.
m. (i) Maria, dau. of Peter Giffard, Esq. m. Mary, Marmaduke, sth
(a) Mary, dau. of Hugh, 4th Lord dau. of John Baron Langdale,
Clifford, d. 1784, having issue, from Errington, Esq., and had one
whom the present head of the family, d. 1788. daughter Mary, who
Sir (John) Walter Smythe, Sth Bart. , married the i6th
descends. Lord Stourton.
I
I
I
I
I
1
Mary Anne
WALTER,
JOHN,
CHARLES
HENRY
FRANCES,
or Maria,
i>- 1757-
m. widow of
(of whom
(of whom
m.
b. July 26,
m. 1807,
Captain
nothing is
nothing is
Sir Carnaby
1756,
Louisa, dau.
Strickland.
known).
known).
Haggerston,
m.
of Thomas
He had
Sth Bart. ,
(i) I77S.
Boycott, Esq.,
a daughter
d. 1836,
Edward Weld,
d. 1822, leaving
Marianne
having issue
Esq. of
two daus.
(afterwards
one daughter
Lulworth.
(i) Louisa Mary,
adopted by
Mary, who
(2) 1778,
•m.
Mrs. Fitz-
married
Thomas Fitz-
Sir Frederick
herbert), who
Sir Thomas
herbert, Esq. of
Hervey
married the
Stanley,
Swynnerton.
Bathurst, Bart.
Hon. Edward
9th Bart.
(3) Dec. 15, 1785,
(2) Charlotte
Stafford
George, Prince
Georgiana
Jerningham,
of Wales
Harriett, m.
2nd son of
(afterwards
the Hon.
George
George IV. ),
George
Wiliam Lord
d. Mar. 29,
Augustus
Stafford.
1837-
Craven.
BIRTH AND PARENTAGE 9
district,1 and in after years their elder daughter,
Mrs. Fitzherbert, then a widow in affluent circum-
stances, endowed it.
There is very little to record of Maria Smythe's
girlhood. She grew up under the ban laid upon
her religion. The Roman Catholic families of that
day lived very much to themselves ; they were
regarded with dislike and suspicion by many of
their neighbours, even those of education and equal
birth, and were largely cut off from social intercourse.
Deprived of their civil rights, treated as aliens and
suspects in the land of their birth, they were forced
to practise their religion almost by stealth. Their
priests in England lived in fear, and the doors of
the chapels were bolted before Mass began to keep
out spies, for the Act of William and Mary, " An
Act for the further prevention of the growth of
Popery," was still unrepealed.2 Under these cir-
cumstances it is no wonder that many Roman
Catholics left England, while those that remained
and held fast to their faith became, to quote the
words of a dispassionate writer, " virtually outlaws
in their own country, doomed to a life of secrecy
and retirement." 3 We may be pardoned for dwell-
ing on this state of affairs, for Mrs. Fitzherbert's
childhood and youth were passed before any measure
of Roman Catholic relief was carried. The in-
1 The priest's house in the village has now been converted into a
nurseryman's. In one of the rooms of the house may be seen traces
of the chapel.
2 So late as 1767 (eleven years after Mrs. Fitzherbert's birth) a
priest was convicted and condemned under its provisions.
3 "A History of England in the Eighteenth Century," by W. E.
Lecky.
io MRS. FITZHERBERT
justice of the penal laws made a deep impression on
her, and so far from weakening her in her religion
(as it did many) only confirmed her in her attach-
ment to it.
In accordance with the custom of many of the
English Catholic families in the eighteenth century,
Maria S my the was sent to Paris to be educated at
the English Convent in the Faubourg St. Antoine,
kept by Conceptionist nuns, known as the " Blew
Nuns." For half a century this convent was the
best and most select school for the daughters of
English Roman Catholics.
One anecdote only has come to us out of the
obscurity of her girlhood in Paris. On one of her
holidays she was taken by her parents to Versailles,
where they saw Louis XV. dine in public. (People
were admitted by ticket, and stood behind a
barrier to watch the monarch dine alone in state.)
During the repast the French king pulled a
chicken to pieces with his fingers. This so
amused the little English girl that, regardless of the
rule that no one should break the silence, she burst
into a peal of laughter. The breach of etiquette
might have led to her summary ejection, but Louis
XV. took it very good-naturedly, and sent the
pretty fair-haired child a dish of sugar plums by
one of his attendant nobles, the Duke of Soubise.
In after years when Mrs. Fitzherbert was an
honoured guest at the French court, the Duke, then
an old man, reminded her of the incident, and told
her he was the bearer of the gift.
In relating this incident in her old age to
Lord Stourton, Mrs. Fitzherbert said "that
BIRTH AND PARENTAGE n
attentions from Royalty, as if to prognosticate
her future destiny, commenced with her at a very
early age." She added sadly that it was " rather a
curious coincidence in her connection with Royalty
that the last dregs of bitterness were presented to
her from a Royal table connected with the French
sovereign Louis XVIII."1
When her education with the " Blew Nuns" was
completed, Maria Smythe returned to England.
The influence of her education in Paris was very
marked in her after life. She loved France, and
often visited Paris, where she had many friends ; she
spoke and wrote French fluently, and there was
something in her temperament — her impulsiveness,
her vivacity and love of amusement — which was
more akin to the French character than the
English.
The next few years of Maria Smythe's life were
passed in her father's home at Brambridge, broken
only by visits to some of her relatives. No girl
was brought up in greater ignorance of the world,
or led a more secluded life, yet, before long, " the
beautiful Miss Smythe" began to be talked about
in the quiet Catholic world. She was then in
the first blush of her loveliness. Her abundant
hair, which she wore naturally, in defiance of the
fashion of the day, was of a pale gold, her eyes
hazel-brown, her complexion that of the wild rose
1 " Memoirs of Mrs. Fitzherbert, with an account of her marriage
with H.R.H. the Prince of Wales, afterward King George IV.," by the
Hon. Charles Langdale. London, 1856.
Mrs. Fitzherbert referred to the great fete at Carlton House in 1811,
given by the Prince Regent to the exiled Royal Family of France,
when no place was allotted her at the Royal table.
12 MRS. FITZHERBERT
and hawthorn, her features exquisitely chiselled, her
figure full of grace. Even more attractive than
her beauty was her sunny disposition, her vivacity,
her natural unaffected manner, which arose from
absence of guile and kindness of heart, and an
indefinable charm which clung to her through life.
CHAPTER II
LULWORTH AND SWYNNERTON
('775— 1784)
THE beautiful Miss Smythe was not long left with-
out suitors. In her eighteenth year, at her uncle's,
Mr. Errington's, house, Red Rice, near Andover, she
met Mr. Edward Weld of Lulworth Castle, Dorset-
shire. Mr. Weld was a widower of forty-four years
of age : his first wife, a daughter of Lord Petre,
had died a few years before, leaving him without
children. He straightway fell in love with Miss
Smythe, and made her an offer of marriage. The
master of Lulworth, head of one of the most ancient
Roman Catholic families of England, and owner of
many broad acres, was a great match for Maria
Smythe, who had no dower but her beauty. She
accepted him without demur, or rather he was
accepted for her by her parents, for in those days
marriages were arranged much on the French
system. There is nothing to show that her duty
and inclination did not go together, though her
husband was twenty-six years older than herself
and in delicate health. They were married early
in 1775, when she was eighteen, and took up their
residence at Lulworth Castle.
Very little comes to us out of the past concerning
Mrs. Weld's brief reign at princely Lulworth, and
i4 MRS. FITZHERBERT
few are the traditions of her life there. In one of
the rooms of the castle there is a curious picture
showing Edward Weld and his two wives on one
canvas. Mr. Weld had been painted with his first
wife, Juliana, and after his second marriage, there
being room on the left side of the picture, he caused
his second wife, Maria, to be painted in the vacant
space. There he stands between his two wives, a
doubtful compliment, one would think, to number
two. But Mr. Weld was fond and proud of his
beautiful second wife ; there is another picture of
her at Lulworth painted immediately after her
marriage, probably by Gainsborough. I am in-
debted to Mr. Charles Weld Blundell for the
following account of it : —
" It is unfinished as to her marvellous aureole of
hair, which she persisted in wearing au naturel,
when all wore wigs and other hideous erections.
She is p&tillante d'esprit, and would convince the
most incredulous of her early beauty and originality.
I have heard it said by my great-uncle Weld * that,
when being painted for this portrait, she was so
indignant the first sitting at the artist's outline of
her fuzzy head, filled in with grey impaste, that she
jumped up saying, ' Why, the man has given me a
grey wig,' and bounced out of the room, vowing that
nothing would induce her to sit any more to him.
There is no trace in it of the aquiline nose which
she developed later."
Miss Mary Frampton, of Moreton, whose parents
lived near Lulworth, writes in her journal of Mrs.
Weld at that time: "She was then (1775) very
1 Mr. Joseph Weld of Lulworth, who died 1863.
w
M
W M
v u
LUL WORTH AND SWYNNERTON 15
beautiful. She dined at Moreton on the day
she was nineteen — perfectly unaffected and un-
assuming in manner, as I heard from my mother
at that time, and as I have myself since seen." a
Mrs. Weld was not long at Lulworth ; she lost
her husband the first year of their marriage.
Mr. Edward Weld died in 1775 after a brief
illness without having made special provision
for his widow. Many years later Mrs. Weld
(then Mrs. Fitzherbert) told her adopted daughter,
Mrs. Dawson Darner,2 that "she had always
been a most unlucky woman," and as an illustra-
tion of the truth of her saying, she referred to the
circumstances of the death of her* first husband.
He had drafted a will, she said, leaving her
everything in his power. He read it over to
her in the library one morning, and was about
to sign it and call witnesses, when she pre-
vented him, saying, " Oh, do that later. It is such
a lovely day, let us go for a ride." He yielded
to her persuasion. During the ride Mr. Weld's
horse stumbled and fell, bringing his rider down
with him. Under ordinary circumstances the acci-
dent would not have been serious, for Mr. Weld
was apparently uninjured. But it proved such a
shock to his enfeebled constitution, that it hastened
his death. On returning home he took to his bed,
and never rallied. He died a few weeks later,
leaving his will unsigned. As there were no chil-
dren, he was succeeded in the estates by his only
1 "The Journal of Mary Frampton," 1885.
3 Mary, a daughter of Lord Hugh and Lady Horatia Seymour, who
married the Hon. George Lionel Dawson Darner, second son of the
first Earl of Portarlington.
1 6 MRS. FITZHERBERT
surviving brother, Mr. Thomas Weld,1 who made
provision for his brother's widow, but on a dif-
ferent basis to the bounteous one in the unsigned
will. Mr. Thomas Weld was not at Lul worth at
the time of his brother's death, and as means of
communication were slow, the young widow was
left in the house for some days absolutely alone.
But she had kind neighbours. " My father and
mother," writes Mary Frampton, "knowing that
Mrs. Weld was so young and without any friends
with her, sent to offer her to remove to Moreton, or
to give her any comfort or assistance in their power.
This friendly conduct was on her side always repaid
with great civility and attention." 2
Of the three years of Mrs. Weld's widowhood,
very little is known. She left Lulworth almost
immediately after her husband's funeral. There
is a tradition at Brambridge that she at one time
lived in a cottage in the adjacent village of Golden
Common.3 It is possible that she went there in
1 SHORT PEDIGREE OF THE WELD FAMILY.
Edward Weld (of Lulworth), b. 1731, d. 1775.
m, (i) 1763, Juliana, dau. of Robert Lord Petre.
(2) 1775, MARY ANNE, dau. of Walter Smythe, Esq.
Was succeeded by his brother Thomas Weld, d. 1810.
Who was succeeded by his son Thomas (afterward Cardinal) Weld,
d. 1837.
Who was succeeded by his brother Joseph Weld, d. 1863.
Who was succeeded by his son Edward Joseph Weld, d. 1877.
Who was succeeded by his son Reginald Joseph Weld, the present
head of the family.
2 Frampton, op. cit,
* Concerning this the Rev. P. H. Owen (sometime vicar of Golden
Common) writes, 1903 : "The cottage still exists. It is one of the old
LULWORTH AND SWYNNERTON 17
the early days of her widowhood to be near her
parents. The cottage would be more in keeping
with her means at that period of her life than at any
other, for, in after years, she was too affluent to need
so humble a residence. We find her also in London.
Lady Jerningham mentions having met her there
when she was the " Widow Weld." x
About this time a misfortune befell the Smythe
family in the serious illness of their father, Mr.
Walter Smythe, who was seized with paralysis, and
remained a complete invalid until his death, which
took place some years later.2 It was a misfortune
in more ways than one, for his four sons, handsome,
high-spirited lads, were growing up to manhood,
and were thus deprived of a father's guidance just
when it was most needed. As these youths were
Roman Catholics, they were subject to the same dis-
abilities as those which had prevented their father
from making a career for himself ; the penal laws
excluded them from the bar, from the army, the
navy, and from every place of trust or profit
under the government. One of them eventually
followed his father's example and entered the
Austrian army, but all of them, during the most
impressionable years of their lives, were allowed
to run wild. Mrs. Weld was devoted to her
brothers and did all she could to help them,
commoner's cottages and stands in a hollow. I remember seeing
some china article given by Mrs. Fitzherbert to the owner of the
cottage. The late Mrs. Monro, widow of a former vicar of Golden
Common, had in her possession a shawl belonging to Mrs. Fitzherbert
which she (Mrs. Monro) had received from the occupant of the
cottage in question.
1 "The Jerningham Letters" (1780-1843), edited by Egerton
Castle, 1890.
2 He died January 14, 1788. His widow survived him many years.
VOL. I. B
1 8 MRS. FITZHERBERT
but at this time she was not able to do much,
and when she had the power it was too late, for
the years of idleness had done their work. Their
paternal uncle, Sir Edward Smythe, did little for
them, and it was to Mr. Henry Errington, their
maternal uncle, that they looked for help and guid-
ance. Mr. Errington was a wealthy man, and he gave
both with ungrudging hand. When Mr. Smythe
was incapacitated by illness, Mr. Errington came to
.be regarded by all his sister's children (Mrs. Weld
included) in the light of a guardian. He was gene-
rous and kind-hearted, a bon viveur, and a man of
tolerant mind whose Catholicism sat lightly on him.
But he was not, as events proved, a very wise one.
The young widow was too beautiful and attrac-
tive to remain long without offers of marriage. She
refused several suitors, but in 1778, three years
after the death of her first husband, she married
Mr. Thomas Fitzherbert of Swynnerton in Stafford-
shire and of Norbury in Derbyshire. Her second
marriage was no less advantageous in a worldly
sense than her first had been ; it gave her the same
position of dignity and continued her amid the same
gracious surroundings as those she had enjoyed at
Lulworth. Like the Welds, the Fitzherberts were
Roman Catholics ; like them, they were an ancient
and wealthy family, belonging to what has been
termed the " untitled nobility of England." The
Welds were of Saxon origin, the Fitzherberts de-
scended from a Norman knight whose name appears
on the roll of Battle Abbey. Mrs. Fitzherbert's
second marriage was a happy one. There was not
the same disparity of age between herself and her
IT
MRS. WELD
AFTERWARDS MRS. FITZHERBERT
(From a Miniature by GEORGE COSWAY, R.A. , bv permission of
A. G. SANDERSON, Esq.)
LULWORTH AND SWYNNERTON 19
second husband as there had been in the case of her
first marriage — Mr. Fitzherbert was only ten years
her senior. But the second union, like the first, was
unblessed with children. Mr. Weld had been some-
thing of a recluse ; Mr. Fitzherbert was, for a Roman
Catholic squire of those days, very much a man of
the world. The Fitzherberts were very hospitable
and popular and entertained largely at Swynnerton ;
their guests were chiefly of their own faith, though
Mr. Fitzherbert lived on excellent terms with his
Anglican neighbours. Mrs. Fitzherbert's younger
sister, Frances, stayed at Swynnerton, and while
there she became engaged to, and married, Sir
Carnaby Haggerston, fifth baronet of that name,
and head of an ancient Northumberland Catholic
family. Lady Haggerston was almost as beautiful
as her elder sister, but she lacked her social gifts and
was of a quieter and less impulsive temperament.
The Fitzherberts also came to London every
year. Their house in Park Street, Park Lane, was
a meeting-place of many of the old Roman Catholic
families, and Mr. Fitzherbert was active in keeping
alive the esprit de corps among them. Yet he was
one of the most liberal-minded of the influential
Roman Catholic laymen, and he was one of the
first to show openly his loyalty to the established
dynasty. Though the rising in 1745 was still in
the memory of many, a generation had grown up
since the battle of Culloden. Charles Edward had
sunk lower and lower in the estimation of his ad-
herents, and was drinking himself to death on the
continent. The House of Stuart had become the
shadow of a shadow. It was now the second decade
20 MRS. FITZHERBERT
of George III.'s reign, and Roman Catholics were
taking heart at the kindness shown to them by the
King, who, though a staunch upholder of the national
Church, was averse from the persecution of his
Roman Catholic subjects. An agitation, in which
Mr. Fitzherbert was interested, was begun, for repeal-
ing the more obnoxious laws against them, and it
bore fruit in the Roman Catholic Relief Act of 1778,
which repealed the very severe Act of 1699, though
it still left them under many disabilities. The
measure of relief thus granted was small, and the
motive which prompted the government to pass it
was probably political expediency rather than a
more liberal one, but this concession to justice, little
though it was, excited the bigotry of the Presby-
terians in Scotland, and the Protestant Dissenters
in England (the Church of England held aloof),
with the result that " No-Popery Riots " broke
out in different parts of the kingdom. In
1780 these culminated in the disgraceful riots in
London headed by the half crazy Lord George
Gordon. For six days the metropolis was virtually
at the mercy of a drunken and infuriated mob.
Roman Catholic chapels were pillaged and burned,
several mansions were wrecked, the gaols of New-
gate and Clerkenwell were broken open and the
prisoners set free, and Newgate was set on fire.
Nearly five hundred persons were killed or wounded.
The magistrates seemed paralysed, and had it not
been for the determination of the King, who insisted
on the military being called out, the whole of
London might have been burned to the ground.
The houses of the leading Roman Catholic laity were
LULWORTH AND SWYNNERTON 21
fortified as though for a siege. Many of them worked
hard to quell the tumult, and to help their priests to
escape from the violence of the mob. No one was
more active than Mr. Fitzherbert, who laboured un-
tiringly, with results that proved fatal to himself.
When order was at last restored he returned home
much heated by his exertions. He bathed, and this
his wife afterwards said was the beginning of the
illness which caused his death. It brought on a
violent chill which settled on his lungs, and defied
all remedies. His wife nursed him with unremitting
care, and when the winter came on she took him to
the south of France, in the hope that the warmth
and sunshine would help him to recover his strength.
But all efforts were in vain. Mr. Fitzherbert died
at Nice on May 7, 1781, at the early age of thirty-
seven, nearly a year after the beginning of his illness.
Mrs. Fitzherbert found herself left a widow for the
second time at the age of twenty-five. Thus she
was early made familiar with sorrow.
Mr. Fitzherbert was succeeded in the family
estates of Norbury and Swynnerton by his brother
Mr. Basil Fitzherbert, from whom the present head
of the family descends.1 Mr. Thomas Fitzherbert
1 A SHORT PEDIGREE OF THE FITZHERBERT FAMILY.
Thomas Fitzherbert (of Norbury and Swynnerton), b. 1746, d. 1781.
m. 1778, MARY ANNE, dau. of Walter Smythe, Esq., and widow of
Edward Weld, Esq.
And was succeeded by his brother Basil Fitzherbert, d. 1797.
Who was succeeded by his son Thomas Fitzherbert, d. 1857.
Who was succeeded by his brother Jolin Fitzherbert, d. 1863.
Who was succeeded by his nephew Basil Thomas Fitzherbert, Esq.,
now of Swynnerton, the present head of the family, b. 1836, who
22 MRS. FITZHERBERT
had left ample provision for his widow. He left
her a jointure of nearly ^2000 a year, the re-
mainder of the lease of his town house in Park
Street with all the furniture and appointments
therein; his horses and carriages, "also the ponies
or Galloways she usually drives in the phaeton " —
in short, everything in his power.1
The two first years of Mrs. Fitzherbert's widow-
hood were passed in retirement. She remained
at Nice some time after her husband's death,
and erected a monument to his memory in one
of the churches there. Then she went to Paris,
where she had many friends. In Paris, Mrs.
Fitzherbert, who was one of the most charitable of
women, interested herself in an institution for the
benefit of poor English Roman Catholic ladies who
had taken refuge in France. This benevolence was
afterwards distorted by her enemies into a charge
that when she was in Paris she was engaged with
certain French Jesuits in intriguing for " the promo-
tion of popery in England." This falsehood may be
taken as a measure of many of the untruths after-
wards propagated concerning her.
In 1782 Mrs. Fitzherbert returned to England.
We find a trace of her this year at Brighton.2 Soon
after her return she took on lease the beautiful villa
married Emily Charlotte, dau. of the Hon. Edward Stafford Jerning-
ham and Mary Anne his wife (niece of Mrs. Fitzherbert).
1 Mr. Fitzherbert's will was proved July 4, 1781, by Henry
Errington (Mrs. Fitzherbert's uncle). From it these particulars are
taken.
J In the supplementary Museum of the Royal Pavilion at Brighton
there are four views of the Steine by a local artist, dated August i,
1782, and dedicated to Mrs. Fitzherbert. This goes to show that she
was well known at Brighton at that time.
LULWORTH AND SWYNNERTON 23
of Marble Hill at Richmond, or, more properly,
Twickenham. The house had been built by
Mrs. Howard, afterwards Countess of Suffolk,
the favourite of George II. : it was the famous villa
of which Burlington and Pembroke designed the
front, Bathurst and Pope planned the gardens,
and Swift and Gay arranged the household. On
Lady Suffolk's death it passed to her brother,
and when he died it reverted to Miss Hotham,
daughter of Sir Charles Hotham, who let it to
Mrs. Fitzherbert. We may quote a description
of the place as it was then from an old guide-
book : —
" The house is most properly stiled Marble Hill ;
for such it resembles, in a fine green laun, open to
the river, and adorned on each side by a beautiful
grove of chesnut trees : the house is as white as
snow, a small building without wings, but of a most
pleasing appearance ; the garden is very pleasant ;
there is an alley of flowering shrubs, which leads
with an easy descent to a very fine grotto ; there is
also a smaller grotto, whence there is a fine view of
Richmond Hill."1
Here Mrs. Fitzherbert lived quietly for a time,
seeing only members of her family, and intimate
friends. We find her in 1783 a young and lovely
widow, and endowed with ample fortune, for ^2000
a year in those days represented much more than it
does now. Before long the rumour of her beauty
spread abroad, her friends urged her to quit her
seclusion, and at last she yielded to their advice
1 "A Short Account of the Principal Seats and Gardens in and
about Twickenham." Circa 1770.
24 MRS. FITZHERBERT
and returned to London, to the house her hus-
band had left her in Park Street. We find her
soon the subject of newspaper paragraphs. The
first mention of her is in the Morning Herald,
March 20, 1784: "Mrs. Fitzherbert is arrived in
London for the season."
In London she threw open her house to her
friends and went into society. The many Roman
Catholic families to whom she was allied, by birth
or marriage, came to see her, and certain leaders
of society called upon her, and made her welcome
to their houses. Prominent among these was Lady
Sefton,1 one of the great ladies who for many
years gave the ton to society in London. Lord
and Lady Sefton, though not Roman Catholics,
were connected with the Smythe family through
the Erringtons. Lady Sefton showed the warmest
sympathy and friendship towards her young kins-
woman, and it was through her that Mrs. Fitz-
herbert became acquainted with other great ladies
not of her religion, and on both sides of politics,
such as the beautiful Georgiana, Duchess of Devon-
shire, the Duchess of Gordon, Lady Salisbury, Lady
Cowper and others. This year marked her first
appearance in what may be called general society,
for during Mr. Fitzherbert's lifetime, she had moved
almost exclusively among the Roman Catholic
cousinhood. She was an immediate success. We
find the following paragraph in the Morning Herald,
July 27, 1784:—
"A new Constellation has lately made an appear-
1 Isabella, daughter of the second Earl of Harrington, and wife of
the ninth Viscount and first Earl of Sefton.
LULWORTH AND SWYNNERTON 25
ance in the fashionable hemisphere, that engages the
attention of those whose hearts are susceptible to
the power of beauty. The Widow of the late Mr.
F — h — t has in her train half our young Nobility :
as the Lady has not, as yet, discovered a partiality
for any of her admirers, they are all animated with
hopes of success."
Mrs. Fitzherbert's beauty, her varied gifts, her
means and good connections, all contributed to her
social success. It was said that during this season
in London she refused many excellent offers of
marriage, including one from the young Duke of
Bedford, who on her refusal never married, but re-
mained in love with her until the day of his death.1
Probably she wished to enjoy her freedom, and did
not desire to enter the matrimonial state again so
soon. It is certain that she might have married a
third time almost any one she would, and have
occupied an assured position of rank and dignity
had not evil destiny thrown her in the path of the
Prince of Wales.
1 Francis, fifth Duke of Bedford (1765-1802). This is open to doubt,
for the Duke was then only in his twentieth year, and in after life he
was said to be in love with Charlotte Princess Royal, eldest daughter
of George III. The Duke, however, was always a great friend of
Mrs. Fitzherbert's, and he died unmarried.
CHAPTER III
PRINCE CHARMING
(1762—1784)
GEORGE, Prince of Wales, had barely come of
age1 when he first met Mrs. Fitzherbert, but he
had already entered on that career of pleasure
which marked his hot youth and his wild man-
hood. By his thousand extravagances, his racing,
his gambling, his lavish hospitality, the " improve-
ment" of his palace of Carl ton House, and his
reckless generosity to the fair sex, he was already
piling up that burden of debt which was to embarrass
him for the rest of his life.
By inclination as well as by position, he was the
leader of fashion and gaiety in London, and society
generally encouraged and applauded him in his ex-
travagances. When the young Prince first " came
upon the town," London was (after Paris) the
gayest city in the world ; and all society, men and
women, old and young, were devoted to the pur-
suit of pleasure in its most showy and pronounced
form. The spirit of robust enjoyment of the early
Georgian era still flourished, but some of its gross-
ness had worn off, and there had come a veneer,
hardly to be called refinement, which seemed to
have more in common with the Stuarts than with
1 George IV. was born at St. James' Palace, August 12, 1762.
PRINCE CHARMING 27
the House of Hanover. George III. and Queen
Charlotte by their parsimonious court and strict
lives had lost touch with society (in the restricted
sense of the word, though they were popular with
the middle classes), and could no longer restrain
its excesses. They lived chiefly at Kew and
Windsor, and except in name there was no longer
a court in London. The advent, therefore, of a
brilliant and handsome Prince, to whom the world
seemed a garden of delight, was hailed with rapture.
It was declared that for the first time since the
death of Charles II. an English Prince was a
gentleman and a wit. It was hoped that the day
of German predilections and German manners was
over. To London society, weary of the dulness
and ugliness of the courts of the early Georgian
Sovereigns, this young Prince, born on English
soil, bred in England, and speaking English with
" no Westphalian accent," as Horace Wai pole calls
it, came as a Prince Charming. There is no doubt
that the Prince of Wales was charming ; no Stuart
Prince was ever more graceful than he, more gene-
rous, and one would fain hope more chivalrous.
He was tall, and finely formed ; he had a hand-
some and manly countenance ; his leg — legs were
much esteemed in the eighteenth century — was the
envy of all the beaux ; his smile the desire of all
the belles ; and his bow the most princely bow of
any prince in Europe. His beauty was heightened
by the picturesque dress of the period. He dressed
with great richness and variety, as well he might,
for it is said that his clothes, for one year, amounted
to no less than ;£ 10,000. One of his early admirers,
28 MRS. FITZHERBERT
who had every opportunity of judging, dwells on
the "graces of his person, the irresistible sweet-
ness of his smile, the tenderness of his melodious
yet manly voice, the polish and fascinating ingenu-
ousness of his manners." J
The young Prince had the happy faculty of
seeming to be intensely interested in the person to
whom he was talking, whoever that person might
be, and he could talk well on almost any subject,
for he had considerable natural ability and many
accomplishments. He could speak French, Italian,
and German fluently ; he was well-read in the
classics ; he was a fine musician ; and he affected a
taste for art and the belles lettres. His taste was
not always correct, and tended overmuch to the
showy and florid, yet, in comparison with that of
his father, who had no taste at all, it was hailed as
perfect. With all his luxurious habits he could not
be called effeminate. He loved outdoor exercise,
and showed to great advantage on horseback ; he
was a good shot, an accomplished fencer, skilful in
the noble art of self-defence, and could on occasion
use his fists with good effect. These things stood
to his credit. On the other hand it must be ad-
mitted that he was not truthful. But the blame
for that did not rest wholly with him. "You
know I don't speak the truth," he said once, "and
my brothers don't, the Queen having taught us
early to equivocate." It is also true that he was
reckless and dissipated, that the town was full of
stories of his wild doings, that he gambled, and
drank and swore, and he had already been engaged
1 " Memoirs of Mary Robinson : ' Perdita,'" 1895.
PRINCE CHARMING 29
in several affairs of gallantry. But these things
did not make him unpopular ; on the contrary, sad
to relate, they rather added to his popularity. Most
of the young men of fashion in those days (and
many of the old men too) played for high stakes,
drank more than was good for them, rapped out
fearful oaths on the smallest provocation, and all
too lightly regarded the marriage tie. One cannot
make the young Prince responsible (as some would
seem to do) for all the vices and follies of his day.
In fact one cannot hold him altogether responsible
for his own, when we look back on his loveless
boyhood and unwise upbringing. His father was
cold, stiff, and unsympathetic ; he disliked his eldest
son, treated him harshly, and openly insulted him
before the courtiers. His mother alternately spoilt
him and turned against him. His younger brother
Frederick,1 to whom he was devotedly attached,
was taken away from him, when on the threshold of
manhood, and sent to Hanover. He had no one
to help or advise him, and it may be doubted
whether there was one disinterested person, among
all his so-called friends, who really cared for him.
His impulses were good, he was affectionate and
warm-hearted, generous and open-handed to a
fault. We speak of him as he was in his early
manhood ; the time had not yet come when all the
good in him was turned to evil by bad companions,
parasites and flatterers, his very virtues tortured
into vices, and every noble instinct choked by the
growth of gross passions. One could not say of
1 Frederick, Prince Bishop of Osnabriick, afterwards Duke of York,
second son of George III.
30 MRS. FITZHERBERT
him even in his youth, that he was unspotted from
the world, but one could say that he had more
good in him than evil, and had his finer qualities
been fostered and developed he would have grown
up a wiser and a better man. His tutor, Bishop
Hurd, was asked one day his opinion of his pupil,
then a boy of fifteen years of age. " I can hardly
tell," he replied ; " he will be either the most polished
gentleman or the most accomplished blackguard in
Europe, possibly both." l The " possibly both " in
years to come proved the true prediction.
The Prince of Wales had passed his boyhood shut
up in a palace which was almost a prison, and de-
prived of rational amusements. H is father's jealousy
kept him back as much as possible, treating him as
a child when he was a boy and as a boy when he
was a man. So things went on until the Prince
reached his nineteenth year, when, as he became
legally of age as heir to the throne, the King could
no longer keep him under lock and key, and was
compelled to grant him a small establishment of his
own and apartments in Buckingham House. For
even this limited measure of freedom the Prince was
all unprepared, and it is no wonder that his new-
found liberty degenerated into license. He fell into
bad company ; he had an amour with the beautiful
actress Perdita Robinson ; he made friends with his
uncle the Duke of Cumberland, who hated the King
and Queen because of their refusal to receive his
Duchess at court, and therefore did his best to
prejudice the son against the father. He also be-
came intimate with the Duke of Chartres, afterwards
1 ° Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Richard Hurd," 1860.
KEW PALACE, WHERE GEORGE, PRINCE OF WALES,
WAS BORN
CARLTON HOUSE, FACING PALL MALL
PRINCE CHARMING 31
Duke of Orleans, the notorious Egalite, who led him
into great extravagance. To all these companions
the King naturally objected, but he objected still
more to the Prince's connection with the Whigs, and
especially to his close friendship with Charles James
Fox, then at the height of his brilliant talents.
George III.'s hatred of Fox amounted almost to a
mania, and he came to regard him as the instigator
of all his son's escapades. When the Prince came
of full age in 1783 his friends the Whigs chanced
to be in power, and Ministers proposed that the
King should give him ,£100,000 a year from the
Civil List. The King turned on them with an out-
burst of rage, and accused them of being " ready to
sacrifice the public interests to the wishes of an ill-
advised young man." He spoke tauntingly of the
government — the Coalition Ministry — as "my son's
Ministry," and conducted himself so outrageously
that the Ministers threatened to resign. The Prince
behaved well and with dignity, and in the end a
compromise was arrived at, the King giving £50,000
a year out of the Civil List and Parliament granting
,£30,000 for the Prince's debts (he had already debts)
and as much more for his outfit.
The Prince was now in the enjoyment of his own
income and of his separate establishment at Carl ton
House, which had been given him as a suitable
residence. Carlton House stood opposite what is
now Waterloo Place, looking northward. The fore-
court was separated from Pall Mall by a long range
of columns ; this colonnade screened the facade from
the gaze of the vulgar. The palace was entered by
a handsome Corinthian portico. The fine entrance
32 MRS. FITZHERBERT
hall and a great staircase with a railing glittering
with gold led to several magnificent saloons, such
as the state apartments, the cupola room, the rose
satin drawing-room, and the armoury, said to be one
of the finest in Europe. The Prince's private apart-
ments were on the ground floor, looking over the
gardens which ran as far as Marlborough House,
and in the summer were a mass of leaf and bloom.1
Emancipated from parental control, the first use
the Prince made of his freedom was to identify him-
self more closely than before with the principles of
the Whig Party. He made a speech in the House
of Lords in which he declared — •" I exist by the love,
friendship, and benevolence of the people, and their
cause I will never forsake as long as I live." He
attended the debates in the House of Commons, and
showed his sympathy with the Whigs by noisily
applauding their speeches. The King and the
Tories made a great outcry about this, but as
George III. was a violent partisan on the other
side, and was secretly plotting the overthrow of his
own (Whig) Government, it was hardly for him to
rebuke the conduct of the Prince of Wales on this
head.
The Coalition Ministry came suddenly and igno-
miniously to an end in December 1783, and the
Prince's friends went out of office. The Prince took
an eager part in the general election that followed
in May 1 784, especially on behalf of his friend Fox,
the "man of the people," who stood for West-
minster. The story of the Westminster election
1 Carlton House was pulled down in 1828 to make room for the
central opening of Waterloo Place. Some of the Corinthian columns
now help to form the portico of the National Gallery.
PRINCE CHARMING 33
has been told too often to need re-telling here. The
Prince turned Carlton House into a committee room
for his friends, and the beautiful Duchess of Devon-
shire bought votes with her kisses. When Fox's
name appeared at the head of the poll he was carried
in procession to Carlton House in a chair wreathed
with laurels and preceded by a banner inscribed
"Sacred to Female Patriotism." The same night
the Prince, arrayed in buff and blue, Fox's party
colours, went to a supper party given by the fair
and fascinating Mrs. Crewe in honour of the event.
Fox was there and the Duchess of Devonshire, and
all were arrayed in the same colours. The Prince
gave the toast " True blue and Mrs. Crewe," to
which the lady with ready wit replied by proposing
" True blue and all of you." The Prince also cele-
brated Fox's victory a few days later at Carlton
House by giving a magnificent file. The young
Prince showed to great advantage in his own house
— no host ever did the honours more gracefully —
and on this occasion the gentlemen, including the
Prince himself, waited on the ladies at table before
sitting down themselves. This ftte was regarded
by the Court as the climax of the Prince's insubordi-
nation. No notice was taken of his birthday at
Windsor, and the King ranked him among his
enemies.
The Prince did not take this mark of parental
displeasure very much to heart, and found dis-
traction in new gaieties and entertainments.
Of all the brilliant, pleasure-loving crowd who
at this time surrounded the Prince, undoubtedly
the two persons who exercised the most influence
VOL. i. c
34 MRS. FITZHERBERT
over him were Fox and the Duchess of Devon-
shire.
Charles James Fox 1 was at this time about thirty-
four years of age, and in the meridian of his fame
and his great abilities. He had filled high offices
under the Crown, and had been leader of the House
of Commons and Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs. He had made his magnificent oration on
the American War, and was famous in both hemi-
spheres. He had inherited from his ancestor,
Charles II., not only his swarthy, saturnine appear-
ance, but also his love of vicious pleasures, more
especially for gambling and women. He was
stout, heavily built, and unwieldy, negligent in
his dress and slovenly in his personal appearance.
But when he smiled, or when he spoke, his whole
being seemed transformed, and he won to his side
all whom he would. He was a good friend — eager,
warm-hearted, unselfish. His personal creed was
frankly epicurean ; in religious matters he had no
fixed belief. Yet in his political life he was a man
of lofty ideals and high principles. Such was this
remarkable man, the " my dear Charles " of so many
of the young Prince's impassioned letters. The
King strove in vain to break the friendship, and in
an agony implored the Lord Chancellor, Thurlow,
to tell him what he could do. " Sir," replied the
surly Thurlow, "you will never have peace until
you clap 'em both into the Tower."
1 Charles James Fox (1749-1806), third son of Henry Fox,
afterwards Lord Holland, and Lady Caroline Georgina, daughter
of Charles Lennox, second Duke of Richmond, grandson of
Charles II.
PRINCE CHARMING 35
The Duchess of Devonshire,1 who was devoted
heart and soul to Fox, also exercised an influence
over the Prince, an influence social rather than poli-
tical, though there was no keener politician than
she. The King and Queen disliked the Duchess
almost as much as Fox, but they could not show
their displeasure to her in the same way. When
the beautiful Georgiana condescended to grace their
dull drawing-rooms with her presence they were
bound to receive her with politeness, for the young
Duchess of Devonshire was a very great lady, not
only by virtue of her rank, but by reason of her
vivid and inspiring personality. Nearly all con-
temporary accounts describe her charms as beyond
compare. She was tall and most divinely fair, with
deep blue eyes, and hair of a reddish tinge. Wraxall,
who knew her well, says that the secret of her charm
lay deeper than her beauty. " It lay in the amenity
and graces of her deportment, her irresistible
manners, and the seductions of her society. . . .
In addition to the external advantages she had re-
ceived from nature and fortune she possessed an
ardent temper, susceptible of deep as well as strong
impressions ; a cultivated understanding, illumi-
nated by a taste for poetry and the fine arts ; much
sensibility, not exempt, perhaps, from vanity and
coquetry." 2 The Duchess, in short, was a brilliant
paradox. On one side she was beautiful, graceful
and witty, kind-hearted and philanthropic, full of
generous impulses and high ideals ; yet on the other
1 Georgiana (1757-1806), eldest daughter of the first Earl Spencer,
married 1774 the fifth Duke of Devonshire.
2 "Posthumous Memoirs of my own Time," by Sir Nathaniel
Wraxall.
36 MRS. FITZHERBERT
she was incredibly reckless and foolish, willing to
risk everything on the hazard of the moment ; of a
restless energy ever seeking something new, pant-
ing for notoriety, swayed by desire, living always
for the hour with no thought beyond, yet beyond
all words lovable.
This peerless creature had been married at seven-
teen to a husband who soon grew indifferent to her,
a grand seigneur, whose constitutional apathy formed
his most distinguishing characteristic. The young
Prince of Wales was much influenced by the
Duchess, whom he declared, not without reason, to
be "the best bred woman in England." He con-
sulted her on all matters of fashion and taste. It
was she who helped him to choose the furniture and
decorations of Carlton House, and when he revived
masquerades which had fallen into disfavour, it was
with the Duchess that he opened the brilliant one
at a club in St. James's Street Devonshire House
was the centre of Whiggism, and the Duchess was
the Egeria of the party. The Prince of Wales was
a constant frequenter of the parties at Devonshire
House, which was then the resort not only of
politicians but of all the wits and beaux esprits of
the day.
Such was George, Prince of Wales, such his
environment and his friends, when he thrust him-
self into the life of Mrs. Fitzherbert.
It is not possible to give the exact date when the
Prince of Wales first saw Mrs. Fitzherbert, but we
shall probably be not far wrong in assuming that it
was some time during the year of his coming of age.
PRINCE CHARMING 37
Romance and tradition have it that they first met
on the banks of the Thames at Richmond in the
spring of 1783, when she was living quietly at
Richmond and he was staying at Kew. Neither
knew who the other was, but the Prince fell at once
in love with the fair incognita. In the excitement
and bustle consequent on his coming of age (August
1783) he appears to have lost sight of her for the
time being. Yet she had made a deep impression on
him. We read of the Prince at a dinner party at
Lord Lewisham's about the time he attained his
majority. The Prince had drunk deep, and after
dinner fell into a gloomy reverie. Presently in one
of those confidences with which he often honoured
his friends, he bewailed his sad lot, and said he
envied the Dukes of Devonshire and Rutland, who
had been free to marry beautiful and clever women
whom they loved. For his part he supposed he
should be forced to marry some "ugly German
frow." Then he turned to Rigby, Master of the
Rolls, and asked him what he would advise him
to do. " Faith, sir," answered Rigby, " I am not
yet drunk enough to give advice to the Prince of
Wales about marrying." The conversation showed
that there was something on the Prince's mind, and
before long that something was revealed.
According to another account the Prince first saw
Mrs. Fitzherbert in Lady Sefton's box at the Opera,
and was so struck with her unusual beauty that he
had her followed home. The two accounts are not
necessarily irreconcilable if we read the second to
mean that it was the first time he saw her in London.
This occasion must have been early in 1784.
38 MRS. FITZHERBERT
Mrs. Fitzherbert had come to London in March,
and there is nothing more probable than that she
should have been at the Opera with her relative,
Lady Sefton, with whom she went everywhere at
that time. But it is unlikely that the Prince, except
for the mere love of intrigue, would have had the
lady followed home, for Lady Sefton was well
known to him, and he could have gone to her
box and requested that Mrs. Fitzherbert should be
presented to him. Besides, there were plenty who
could have told him of the " lovely Fitzherbert,"
who, if she were not in the Prince's set, was a lady
of the first fashion, who had already created a sen-
sation by her beauty. The Prince was a connoisseur
in female loveliness, but hers was of an unusual type.
Her wealth of golden hair was unpowdered, the
warm pallor of her cheeks was unrouged, her
lustrous eyes were also innocent of art, and her
sunny smile was guileless. She had not yet de-
veloped the perhaps too aquiline nose that came
in later years, her profile was exquisite, and the
curves of her beautiful figure were not yet marred
by being too round.
The Prince always vowed that he fell in love
with the lovely young widow at first sight, but
then he vowed that of many. After their meeting,
by whatever means effected, he took care not
to lose sight of her again. He lost no time in
becoming better acquainted with her ; he eagerly
sought her society, and found her not only beautiful,
but gifted and attractive — attractive to him in a
way no woman had been before. His passion in-
creased by leaps and bounds. He made opportu-
PRINCE CHARMING 39
nities of meeting her, he followed her everywhere,
he was always at her side, and his attentions to her
were so marked that before long they became the
most engrossing topic of fashionable conversation.
The Prince soon found that Mrs. Fitzherbert was
of quite another calibre to the ladies whom he had
hitherto honoured with his preference. At first she
accepted his homage for what it was worth, and
the marked attentions of the young and handsome
Prince, with whom half the women in London were
in love, flattered her vanity if it did not touch her
heart. The Prince exerted himself to the utmost to
please her, and his utmost was very good indeed,
but she did not treat his devotion seriously. She
insisted on regarding the gay and graceful badinage
that passed between them as nothing more than the
amusement of the passing hour, to be forgotten on
the morrow. She trusted to her own good sense to
keep his devotion within due limits, but the Prince
did not recognise any limits where his passions were
concerned. He grew more impetuous and more
fervid, and opposition or evasion only served to
make him keener. She could not parry an attack so
ardent and so prolonged, her weapons of defence were
beaten down one by one, until at last she was forced
to realise that there was more behind his vows than
mere gallantry, or the facile protestations of an
amorous boy. Then she became alarmed, and
strove too late to break off the acquaintance ;
but the Prince was not to be baffled — the more
she opposed him the more persistent were his
attentions. There was no extravagance of which he
was not capable, and the lady began to be fearful
40 MRS. FITZHERBERT
lest her good name should become compromised.
It did not matter what line she took, whether she
met him with firmness and indifference, whether she
besought him with tears and entreaties to leave her
in peace, or met his vows with incredulity or ridicule.
Whatever she did only served to inflame his ardour.
Mrs. Fitzherbert was at her wits' end how to
escape the Prince's importunities. She did not leave
London until the season was over, for she had many
friends, she loved society, and was generally admired.
She did not need the Prince's admiration to give a
cachet to her social success, for it hindered rather
than helped her. When she retired to her villa at
Richmond in the summer he pursued her there, and
contrived on some pretext or another to spend
hours daily in her society. It is said that the
popular ballad1 —
" I'd crowns resign to call thee mine,
Sweet lass of Richmond Hill " —
was inspired by the Prince's devotion to Mrs.
Fitzherbert which had by now become the talk of
the town. But this seems open to doubt, for the
lady was hardly " a lass " at the time, being in the
twenty-eighth year of her age, and twice a widow.
She was old enough certainly to see the folly of en-
couraging the Prince's devotion, and to realise that
she had everything to lose and nothing to gain by
such an entanglement. Whither could it lead ? She
had told him in the words Lady Waldegrave once
used to the Duke of Gloucester, "that though she
was too inconsiderable a person to become his wife,
, * The ballad was sung at Vauxhall in 1789.
GEORGE, PRINCE OF WALES
(From the Painting bv THOMAS GAINSBOROUGH at Aske, by permission of the
MARQUESS OF ZETLAND)
PRINCE CHARMING 41
she was too considerable to become his mistress."
The Duke of Gloucester had got over the difficulty
by marrying the lady, who was now his duchess, but
that marriage, though a clandestine one, was legal, as it
took place before the Royal Marriage Act was passed.
Moreover, the Duke of Gloucester was not the heir-
apparent to the throne, and his duchess (a woman
of inferior birth to Mrs. Fitzherbert) was a member
of the Church of England. Mrs. Fitzherbert was a
Roman Catholic by birth, education, and marriage,
and she would not for any earthly consideration
sacrifice her religion. She was a woman of high
principles, of irreproachable virtue, of independent
fortune and good position. It was a case of marriage
or nothing at all ; but since marriage was impossible,
it would be better, she said, for the Prince to forget
her. Her heart was touched, it was difficult to
deny her love to one who pleaded so eloquently,
and who vowed that he would abjure crown and king-
dom for her sake, but she stood firm. At last she
refused to see him, and gave no answer to his letters.
"She resisted," we are told, "with the utmost
anxiety and firmness the flattering assiduities of
the most accomplished Prince of his age. She was
well aware of the gulf that yawned beneath those
flattering demonstrations of Royal adulation." l
So things went on until the autumn of 1784.
The Prince had become almost beside himself with
the extravagance of his passion. He vowed he
could not, and would not, live without her. He
passed days and nights in tears and violent emotion.
His chosen friends in whom he confided were at
Langdale, op, cit.
42 MRS. FITZHERBERT
a loss to know what to do to pacify him, and
since he swore that nothing would satisfy him but
to gain the object of his desire, they would have
liked Mrs. Fitzherbert to waive her scruples and
surrender at discretion. It was far from their in-
terests to connive at a secret marriage between the
Prince and Mrs. Fitzherbert. They knew that such
a marriage was illegal by an Act of Parliament,
which made the abettors liable to severe penalties,
and if by any flaw the Act could be evaded and the
union regarded as legal, it would expose the Prince
to even greater dangers for having married a Roman
Catholic. These considerations they put before the
Prince, but he refused to listen to the voice of
prudence. Remonstrances only made him more
desperate. All his life he was subject to attacks
of violent excitability, akin to the terrible illness
from which his father suffered. Opposition to his
desires goaded him to the point of madness. In
this state he made not only his own life but the lives
of every one around him unbearable, until at last,
worn out by the intolerable strain, some of his
confidential friends (and he had always some at
hand ready to pander to his follies) thought they
saw a way out of the difficulty. They hit upon an
expedient — "some sort of ceremony" which, they
hoped, would deceive the lady, and not be binding
on the Prince — in fact a mock marriage. Some-
thing they felt had to be done, for the affair had
reached an acute stage. Mrs. Fitzherbert, worn out
by the Prince's importunities, and not sure what
extravagance he might commit, perhaps not sure of
herself, resolved to flee temptation and go abroad.
PRINCE CHARMING 43
This resolution reached the ears of the Prince and
plunged him into the most violent agitation. A
crisis arrived.
One morning in November 1784, when Mrs.
Fitzherbert was in London making preparations for
her journey, a coach drew up at the door of her
house in Park Street, and four members of the
Prince's household, Lord Onslow, Lord Southamp-
ton, Mr. Edward Bouverie,1 and Keate, the surgeon,
descended from it and demanded to see Mrs. Fitz-
herbert on urgent business. When she received them
she saw that they were in the " utmost consternation."
They informed her "that the life of the Prince was
in imminent danger — that he had stabbed himself— -
and that only her immediate presence would save
him. She resisted in the most peremptory manner
all their importunities, saying that nothing should
induce her to enter Carlton House."2 She well
knew its reputation and suspected a trap. Still they
implored her to come with them, and so save this
precious life. It is probable that Keate, the surgeon,
added his testimony as to the nature of the Prince's
wound. Mrs. Fitzherbert became agitated and
alarmed, but still she held back. She could not go
alone with men to the house of her lover without
risking her reputation. At last, between love and
fear, she gave a half consent and said she would go,
but on the indispensable condition that " some lady
of high character" was found to accompany her.
She may have thought of her relative, Lady Sefton,
1 The Hon. Edward Bouverie, second son of first Viscount Folke-
stone, later M.P. for Northampton, d. 1810.
2 Langdale, op. cit.
44 MRS. FITZHERBERT
but we are told that the Duchess of Devonshire
was selected. She was certainly more pliable than
Lady Sefton, and was besides a friend of both Mrs.
Fitzherbert and the Prince. This difficulty overcome,
Mrs. Fitzherbert entered the coach which was wait-
ing outside, and drove with the four men to Devon-
shire House. There she found the Duchess, who
assented willingly, delighted at the idea of taking
part in so romantic an adventure. Accompanied
by the Duchess, Mrs. Fitzherbert drove to Carlton
House, and was at once admitted to the Prince's
presence. She found him in his private apartment
on the ground floor, which overlooked the garden
and St. James's Park. He was pale and covered
with blood which issued from a wound in his side,
the wound which his friends assured her had been
self-inflicted by the Prince in consequence of her
cruelty. According to the Prince, he had fallen
upon his sword. According to another account, he
had stabbed himself with a dagger. According to
a third, he had tried to shoot himself, but hit the
head of his bed instead ; the pistol had been taken
away from him, he then possessed himself of a table
knife and drove it into his side. This would go
to show that he was either half-mad or half-drunk,
or, between the two, had worked himself up to a
frenzy. The theory has also been put forward that
the Prince had simply been " blooded " by Keate to
relieve the violence of his passion, and he had
dabbled the blood about his clothes to make himself
look more interesting in the eyes of his beloved.
However this may have been, he was successful in
arousing her sympathies. The sight of her lover in
PRINCE CHARMING 45
such a plight so overcame Mrs. Fitzherbert that
"she was deprived almost of consciousness." This
was exactly what the Prince wanted. He pushed
home his advantage by vowing that " nothing would
induce him to live unless she promised to become
his wife, and permitted him to put a ring round her
finger." The frightened lady gave the promise, for
she firmly believed that nothing else would save him
from self-destruction, and a ring, one borrowed
from the Duchess of Devonshire, who, with the
men before mentioned, were interested witnesses of
the scene, was put upon her finger, and so completed
the ceremony. Mrs. Fitzherbert's acquiescence
calmed the Prince, and trusting to her promise to
be his wife he suffered her to depart. She drove
back with the Duchess to Devonshire House, the
four men following, and a deposition was drawn up,
signed and sealed by each one of the party.1
When Mrs. Fitzherbert returned to her own house
and could look back quietly over the events of the
exciting day, she clearly saw that it was not a
ceremony which could be binding either on her
honour or her conscience. It was in short a mock
marriage, and the four "gentlemen " who had planned
it had conspired against her honour. From this
conspiracy she exonerated the Prince, who had
frequently expressed himself as ready and willing to
marry her ; then and all her life she believed that
the Prince had sought to kill himself for her sake,
and that nothing but her compliance with his wishes
1 Mrs. Fitzherbert told Lord Stourton after George IV.'s death that
"for all she knew to the contrary it [the deposition] might still be
there." — Langdale, op, cit.
46 MRS. FITZHERBERT
at the moment had saved him from self-destruction.
Half a century later, when she narrated this extra-
ordinary incident to her relative, Lord Stourton, he
suggested " that some trick had been practised and
that it was not really the blood of His Royal High-
ness," but she assured him to the contrary. She
declared that " she had frequently seen the scar," l
and added the not very convincing proof that some
brandy-and-water was near his bedside. In her
bewilderment she was not at the time a very critical
observer, and like the Prince she was of an excitable
and emotional temperament. Like many another
woman, even the most diffident, she cherished the
secret belief that her lover would be ready to die for
her sake. Her romantic sympathies were aroused,
and she was touched by this proof of his devotion.
But now that the immediate danger was over her
fears on her own account returned with redoubled
force. She realised her peril, and, always swayed
by impulse, she resolved to carry out her intention
of flight. She wrote a letter that same evening
to Lord Southampton, denouncing the conduct of
himself and his colleagues in enticing her to Carlton
House. She protested against what had taken
place there, and declared that, as she was taken
by surprise, she could not be considered a free
agent. The next morning she left England.
1 The Rev. Johnes Knight also said that the Prince showed him the
scar when he wanted him to perform the marriage between him and
Mrs. Fitzherbert.
CHAPTER IV
FLIGHT
(1784— 1785)
MRS. FITZHERBERT went first to Aix-la-Chapelle,
the ancient city of Charlemagne. In those days
Aix-la-Chapelle was a favourite health resort, and
much frequented by English as well as by foreign
notabilities. The medicinal powers of its sulphur
springs were famous all over Europe, and the com-
parative nearness of Aix-la-Chapelle to England
made it a formidable rival to Bath and Cheltenham
among English people as a resort, not only of health
but of pleasure. Mrs. Fitzherbert visited Aix at
intervals throughout her life. On this occasion she
stayed there for some weeks, and on leaving she
crossed the frontier to the neighbouring country of
Holland and went to The Hague. The Hague was
also a resort of English people, many of whom lived
there, as they used to live at Breda, for motives of
economy, a motive which did not enter in Mrs.
Fitzherbert's case. But at this time there were
comparatively few English at The Hague, for Hol-
land was in an unsettled state, torn by conflicting
parties within, and harassed from without by the
opposing interests of France and England. France
had encouraged the state to form a pure republic,
independent of the Stadtholder, and so render it a
48 MRS. FITZHERBERT
French province. The English policy was to
preserve the state's independence and to form an
Anglo- Dutch alliance.
The Stadtholder, who was a grandson of George
II.,1 favoured the English policy, and was anxious
to strengthen his dynasty by an alliance between
one of his daughters and the Prince of Wales.
The Stadtholder was weak and vacillating, but
his consort2 was a high-spirited, clever and accom-
plished princess. Her domestic life was unhappy,
and her public life one of perpetual anxiety.
It is strange that Mrs. Fitzherbert should have
elected to go to The Hague at a time when
the country was on the verge of civil war, and
the reigning family on the brink of ruin, but she
probably had introductions to the court of Orange,
for she was received with the greatest kindness
by the Stadtholder and his family. The Stadt-
holder was proud of his descent from the Royal
Family of Great Britain, and was always willing to
welcome English people for their own sake. It
would seem, however, that Mrs. Fitzherbert was
admitted to terms of unusual intimacy, and the
young Princess of Orange in particular, who wished
to be Princess of Wales, honoured her with her confi-
dence. Personal kinship and public interest marked
the Princess out as a likely candidate, and she,
knowing that Mrs. Fitzherbert was well known in
the fashionable world of London, plied her with
questions concerning the Prince and the English
1 Anne, Princess Royal, the eldest daughter of George II., married
in 1733 tne Prince of Orange.
2 The Princess of Orange was the daughter of Prince William
Augustus of Prussia, and a niece of Frederick the Great.
FLIGHT 49
court, all unconscious of the fact that she was
confiding in "her most dangerous rival."1 The
position was exceedingly embarrassing to Mrs.
Fitzherbert. Of the Prince she knew much, a great
deal more than she cared to say, but of the English
court she could have known little more than any
other woman of fashion who attended Queen Char-
lotte's drawing-rooms. She parried the questions
of the would-be Princess of Wales as well as she
could, and said nothing of what had passed between
the Prince and herself. Indeed she saw, or thought
she saw, in the possible alliance an escape from her
own difficulties, and would willingly have furthered
it if she could. She thus excused herself from any
reflection of double-dealing. Of course she could
do nothing either to help or hinder the union, and
subsequent events proved that a marriage of policy,
such as this, would have been a very slight obstacle
in the path of the Prince of Wales where his desires
were concerned. The projected marriage fell to the
ground. In after years, when the Stadtholder was
a fugitive in England, Mrs. Fitzherbert met both
him and the Princess again. By that time her re-
lations with the Prince of Wales were well known.
The Princess of Orange good-humouredly acquitted
her former friend of all blame (perhaps she thought
she had a lucky escape), but the Stadtholder treated
Mrs. Fitzherbert with great coolness, and evidently
attributed to her the failure of the match.
During Mrs. Fitzherbert's visit to The Hague, no
hint of her entanglement with the Prince of Wales
reached the court of Orange. The Stadtholder
1 Langdale, op. cit.
VOL. I. D
50 MRS. FITZHERBERT
treated her with every courtesy, and when she
'brought her sojourn to a close he placed his state
barge at her disposal to convey her to Antwerp.
The cause which probably led Mrs. Fitzherbert
to take her departure from The Hague, where she
was so well received, was the arrival there, at the
end of December 1784, of Sir James Harris,1 who
had been accredited British Minister to the court
of Orange. Harris was an able diplomatist, an
astute man of the world, and a consummate courtier ;
he was honoured by the confidence of George III.
and Queen Charlotte, who often employed him in
private matters with regard to their troublesome
family. He was also on terms of intimate friend-
ship with the Prince of Wales, and the story of the
Prince's devotion to Mrs. Fitzherbert must have
been well known to him. Mrs. Fitzherbert there-
fore did not care to meet him at this juncture, and
hastened her departure from The Hague in order to
avoid him.
She went first to Paris ; but as she sought retire-
ment, she did not stay there long. Early in 1785
we hear of her in Switzerland, and then a little later
at Plombiers in Lorraine. At Plombiers we must
leave her for a time and return to the Prince of
Wales.
The day after the scene at Carlton House the
Prince of Wales "went down into the country to
Lord Southampton's for change of air." After the
violent paroxysm he had undergone and weakness
from loss of blood, a few days' quiet must have been
1 James Harris, first Earl of Malmesbury (1746-1820).
FLIGHT 51
necessary. He was probably advised to let Mrs.
Fitzherbert rest a while, and renew the attack on
his return to London. But his plans were baffled.
Lord Southampton received the letter Mrs. Fitz-
herbert wrote to him the day before she left Eng-
land, and he communicated it to the Prince. We
can imagine the outburst of rage and emotion with
which the royal lover received the news. According
to Lord Holland, "he did not conceal his passion,
or his despair at her leaving England for the
Continent."1
His first thought was to follow her, but Mrs.
Fitzherbert had crossed the Channel before the news
reached him, and he had no trace of her hiding-
place. Besides, the heir-apparent could not leave
the country without the consent of the King. That
consent with passionate eagerness he now sought to
obtain. He based his request on the ground of his
heavy debts and his wish to retrench. The King,
who had heard of his son's infatuation for the " lovely
Fitzherbert," did not accede to the Prince's prayer,
but he affected to temporise, and seized the oppor-
tunity to demand from the Prince a full statement
of his debts, giving him to understand that if such a
statement were supplied he might liquidate them —
an understanding which he had no intention of
carrying out.
Thus matters went on for several months, the
King keeping the Prince in suspense, the Prince
pining to get away. All this time the unfortunate
youth, worried by his pecuniary embarrassments, and
1 "Posthumous Memoirs of the Whig Party," by Lord Holland,
1852.
52 MRS. FITZHERBERT
distracted by his apparently hopeless passion, was in
a state bordering on unreason. He was one who
could not keep his sorrows to himself. All his
friends, especially the Duchess of Devonshire and
Fox, were the recipients of his woes, and they
offered him consolation in vain. To again quote
Lord Holland : " Mrs. Fox [then Mrs. Armitstead],
who was living at St. Anne's [Chertsey], has re-
peatedly assured me that he came down thither
more than once to converse with her and Mr. Fox
on the subject, that he cried by the hour, that he
testified to the sincerity and violence of his passion
and his despair by the most extravagant expressions
and actions, rolling on the floor, striking his fore-
head, tearing his hair, falling into hystericks, and
swearing that he would abandon the country, forego
the crown, sell his jewels and plate, and scrape
together a competence to fly with the object of his
affections to America." l
This last must be regarded as an exaggeration of
speech, for it is certain that the lady would not have
fled with him to America, even if he had been free
to propose it. But the scene goes to show that Mrs.
Fitzherbert had based her rejection of her lover's
advances on the plea of his position, and not on
the ground of her indifference, or want of affection.
Her heart was already his, and she was not follow-
ing its promptings, but considering his interests in
removing herself out of his reach. If he suffered,
she suffered too. It was hard that she should be
driven into exile, separated from her family and
friends, and compelled to seek refuge in an obscure
1 " Memoirs of the Whig Party," op. tit.
FLIGHT 53
foreign town like a fugitive hiding from justice.
She was fighting a battle between her duty and
her inclination. Knowing the fickleness of men in
general, and of princes in particular, she thought
(though she did not in her heart hope) that if she
kept away long enough her lover would forget her.
The Prince of Wales was notoriously changeable,
and easily attracted by the " Cynthia of the minute."
But in his early devotion to Maria Fitzherbert, in
all fairness be it said, he showed a constancy, a firm-
ness, and a persistency worthy of all praise, and not
at all in keeping with the fickle character generally
attributed to him. There is no doubt that his love
for her was deep and genuine, and that it was the
great passion of his life. She was in truth the only
woman whom he ever really loved.
Foiled in his attempt to follow Mrs. Fitzherbert,
the Prince set himself to discover her hiding-place.
In this he was more successful. He despatched
emissaries far and wide, and, aided by the Duke of
Orleans, he soon discovered where she was concealed.
Having once found her, he had her shadowed
wherever she went. Then began a ceaseless cor-
respondence. He wrote to her pages and pages
of passionate pleadings, of heartrending appeals, of
prayers for her aid, of threats of self-destruction
if she remained obdurate — of everything in short
that could touch or move the heart of a susceptible
woman. The Prince could write admirable letters
when he wished, no one better, letters full of grace
of phrase and felicity of diction, and in these epistles
his unrivalled powers of persuasion and sophistry
came into full play. Whether Mrs. Fitzherbert
54 MRS. FITZHERBERT
answered his letters or not, or how she answered
them, made no difference. Whether she moved
from Paris to Switzerland, or from Switzerland to
Lorraine, she was still followed by the Prince's
emissaries, and by his letters. "Couriers after
couriers," we are told, "passed through France
carrying the letters and propositions of the Prince
to her in France and Switzerland. The Duke of
Orleans was the medium of this correspondence.
The speed of the couriers exciting the suspicions
of the French Government, three of them were at
different times put in prison." l They were arrested
on suspicion of being concerned in some political
plot, but the Duke of Orleans was soon able to
make it clear that they were only the messengers
of Cupid. Otherwise it is possible that Mrs. Fitz-
herbert might have become a suspect too. Even
the influence of the Duke of Orleans did not shield
her wholly from the suspicion of political intrigue.
We find, many years after, her enemies in England
declaring " that she had been in correspondence
in France with the Gros Abbe, the bastard brother
of the Duke of Orleans, the Abb6 Taylor and some
Irish friars in many parts of Italy. The aim of this
correspondence was said to be to harass the existing
administration (Mr. Pitt's) and to pave the way
for the introduction of Catholicism into England."2
These falsehoods were on the face of them absurd.
1 Langdale, op. tit.
2 " Letter of Nemesis to Alfred," a scurrilous pamphlet published
circa 1789. It was written by the Rev. Philip Wither, who styles
himself " Chaplain to the Dowager Lady Hereford," but was better
known as a writer of political pamphlets. He was condemned to
imprisonment in Newgate for gross libel, and died therein, before his
term of imprisonment had expired.
Q
W
W Ei
J *
w i
— «
3
FLIGHT 55
Mrs. Fitzherbert was the last woman in the world
to proselytise or to concern herself in intrigues,
political or ecclesiastical ; but to such imputations
she was exposed by the reckless proceedings of the
Prince of Wales.
Excuse may be found in the violence of the
Prince's passion. That he was at this time " will-
ing to make any sacrifice " l to gain her is true,
in substance and in fact. As the object of his
desire would not come to him, his one wish was
to go to her. He seems to have had it in his
mind to offer her a morganatic marriage according
to the laws of Hanover, and to live quietly with her
abroad, perhaps in Hanover. He strove to over-
come his father's obstinacy by promising to reform
and retrench if he were allowed to go abroad. But
the King now met his son's demand with an un-
compromising refusal. He had played with him
for months, and obtained a full account of his debts,
except for one item which the Prince said he was
unable to account for in detail, pleading that it
was "a debt of honour." The King seized upon
this as an excuse for refusing to pay any of them,
saying that "if it were a debt the Prince was
ashamed to explain it was one he ought not to
pay." 2 The Prince, enraged at this treatment,
thought he saw in his father's refusal an excuse
to escape abroad. The King dared him to leave
the kingdom without his leave, and even taunted
him, so the Prince afterwards said, with his im-
1 Holland, op, tit.
2 "Diaries and Correspondence of James Harris, First Earl of
Malmesbury," 1844.
56 MRS. FITZHERBERT
potence to reach Mrs. Fitzherbert. The King's
taunts only made him more desperate.
The Prince on April 27, 1785, sent for Sir James
Harris, who was then in London on leave of absence,
and after giving him an account of the King's treat-
ment, he declared that in the matter of his debts
"he saw no means of relief left but by getting
abroad." He asked Harris about The Hague,
whether he [the Prince] could go there in a private
character, and if so how he, as the King's repre-
sentative, would receive him. From this it would
seem that the Prince knew Mrs. Fitzherbert had
been in that city, and thought she would shortly
be returning there. But he did not once mention
her name to Harris in the curious conversation
that followed,1 though it was at the back of every-
thing he said. To the Prince's question the adroit
diplomatist replied : —
" I should be very sorry, Sir, to see you in Holland
otherwise than in a character which would allow me
to receive you in a manner conformable with the
respect and affection I bear your Royal Highness ;
but your coming abroad without your having ob-
tained the King's consent implies that you will
come after it has been refused you, and, you may
rest assured, in that case I shall receive orders how
to act towards you before your arrival ; and those
orders, let them be ever so much in contradiction to
my feelings, I must obey.
" Prince. Certainly. I should be the last person
1 The conversation is quoted in full, only abbreviating some of the
speeches of the pompous Harris which had nothing to do with the
case. Those who wish to read it in full will find it in the " Malmesbury
Diaries."
FLIGHT 57
to wish you to do otherwise. But what am I to do ?
Am I to be refused the right of every individual ?
Cannot I travel legally, as a private man, without
the King's consent?
"Harris. I think it very immaterial for your
Royal Highness to know whether you can, or can-
not, legally travel without His Majesty's consent ;
since it is evident that you cannot with any pro-
priety to the public, or satisfaction to yourself, cross
the seas without it.
" Prince. Why not ? I wish to travel on a plan
of economy ; to be unknown ; to live in retirement.
"Harris. Without entering into the almost im-
possibility of your Royal Highness making so
rapid a transition in your ways of life, I confess I
see no event would give me so much pain, as an
Englishman, as to see a Prince of Wales abroad
under such a description. . . .
" Prince. I feel what you say : but what can I do ?
The King proposed to me to lay by ;£ 10,000 a year
to pay my debts, at a time when, with the strictest
economy, my expenses are twice my income. I
am ruined if I stay in England. I disgrace myself
as a man.
"Harris. Your Royal Highness, give me leave
to say, will find no relief in travelling the way you
propose. You will be either slighted, or, what is
worse, become the object of political intrigue at
every court you pass through. . . .
"Prince. But if I avoid all great courts? If I
keep to the smaller ones of Germany, can this
happen ? I may there live unnoticed and unknown.
"Harris. Impossible, Sir. The title of the Earl
58 MRS. FITZHERBERT
of Chester will be only a mask which covers the
Prince of Wales, and, as such, your actions will
ever be judged. . . .
" Prince. You think I mean to go to F ranee. I
shall keep to the Empire, and perhaps to Italy.
" Harris. What I say applies to all countries,
Sir. . . .
" Prince. But what can I do, my dear Harris ?
The King hates me. He wants to set me at variance
with my brother. I have no hopes from him. He
won't let even Parliament assist me till I marry.
" Harris. But there exists so cordial an affection
between your Royal Highness and the Duke of
York, that I should think he might be employed
most usefully to reconcile the King to your Royal
Highness. It cannot be a difficult task when
undertaken by a brother.
" Prince. If he thought it possible, he would come
over [from Hanover] immediately. He has often
expressed his concern at our disunion, and declares
he never will leave the Continent till he can see a
prospect of bringing the King to enter into my
situation.
" Harris. Surely, Sir, the King could not object to
any increase of income Parliament thought proper
to allow your Royal Highness?
" Prince. I believe he would. He hates me; he
always did, from seven years old.
"Harris. His Majesty may be displeased and
dissatisfied with your Royal Highness, but surely
he cannot hate you ; and I am convinced nothing
would make both him and the Queen so happy as
to restore their affections to you. It would be the
FLIGHT 59
greatest blessing to the nation, and the greatest
comfort to the Royal Family.
"Prince. It may be so, but it cannot be. We
are too wide asunder ever to meet. The King has
deceived me, he has made me deceive others ; I
cannot trust him, and he will never believe me.
" Harris. I am sorry your Royal Highness thinks
so. But I think your Royal Highness should try
every possible means before you carry into execution
your plan of travelling.
" Prince. I will think it over, but I see no obstacle.
We will meet again soon." l
After this conversation, Harris, who was hon-
oured with the confidence both of the father and
the son, tried hard to effect a reconciliation between
them, and to induce the King to settle the Prince's
debts, but he underrated the strength of the cross
currents of personal hatred and political intrigue.
Pitt, the Prime Minister, who felt that some of
the money would be spent on political purposes
against the Government, refused to do anything
for the Prince of Wales, unless he would first
break with Fox and the Opposition. In this
attitude he was supported, if not instigated, by
the King, who added to his hatred of the Whigs,
jealousy of his eldest son. The Prince knew that
he could never satisfy his father, do what he would,
and he refused to sacrifice his friends, and humiliate
himself in vain. Harris, who was still sanguine
that he could arrange matters, on the strength of
certain vague assurances which he had received
1 " Malmesbury Diaries " : My First Conference with the Prince
of Wales.
60 MRS. FITZHERBERT
from the King, requested another interview with
the Prince of Wales, which was granted.
During the month which had elapsed since his last
conversation with Harris a change had come over the
Prince. Perhaps Mrs. Fitzherbert had written to
him, refusing to listen to him if he came abroad,
entreating him for his own sake not to come.
Or perhaps she even held out the hope if he would
hearken to her counsels she would return to Eng-
land. Something, it is impossible to say what,
must have passed between them in the interval,
above and beyond the remonstrances of the Prince's
friends, for when, by appointment, on May 23,
Harris entered the Prince's dressing - room at
Carlton House for a second interview, he was
greeted with these words : l —
"Prince. If you are come, my dear Harris, to
dissuade me again from travelling, let me anticipate
your kind intentions by telling you I have dismissed
that idea from my mind. I see all my other friends,
as well as yourself, are against it, and I subscribe to
their opinion.
"Harris. I should not have presumed to have
mentioned that subject again to your Royal High-
ness ; but after what you have told me, Sir, allow
me to express my infinite satisfaction.
"Prince. I am glad to have pleased you, at least,
if I have not pleased myself. Yet I am sure you
will be concerned to see the distressed and unbe-
coming light in which I must appear by remaining
in England.
1 The following conversation is also abridged so far as Sir James
Harris is concerned.
FLIGHT 6 1
"Harris. This had better appear here (admitting
it to be the case) than to strangers. But, Sir, the
purport of my troubling your Royal Highness was
to obviate this unpleasant circumstance."
Harris then proceeded to propound his scheme
for the settlement of the Prince's debts, which, as it
came to nothing, it is unnecessary to detail here.
The Prince listened in silence, and then said : —
" I thank you ; but it will not do. I tell you the
King hates me. He would turn out Pitt for enter-
taining such an idea ; besides, I cannot abandon
Charles and my friends.
" Harris. Mr. Fox and the Duke of Portland have
told me often, Sir, that they by no means wish your
Royal Highness to condescend, on their account, to
take any share in party concerns. They have re-
peatedly declared that a Prince of Wales ought to
be of no party.
" Prince. Well, but admitting this, and supposing
that I can get rid of a partiality in politics you seem
to condemn, I tell you, Harris, the King never will
listen to it.
"Harris. But, Sir, I presuppose a reconciliation
between you and His Majesty. Surely this would
be grateful to the King himself, and most par-
ticularly so to the Queen.
"Prince. Why, my dear Harris, will you force me
to repeat to you that the King hates me f He will
never be reconciled to me.
"Harris. It cannot be, Sir. If you order me, I
will ask an audience of him, and fling myself at
his feet.
" Prince. I love you too well to encourage you to
62 MRS. FITZHERBERT
undertake so useless a commission. If you will not
credit me, you will, perhaps, credit the King him-
self. Take and read all our correspondence for
these last six months.
" The Prince here opened an escritoire, and took
out a large bundle of papers, which he read to me.
It consisted of various letters which had passed
between him and the King, beginning with the one
in which he asked his leave to go abroad in autumn
1784.
"It is needless to attempt to relate precisely the
contents of this correspondence ; it is sufficient to
observe that the Prince's letters were full of respect
and deference, written with great plainness of style
and simplicity. Those of the King were also well
written, but harsh and severe ; constantly refusing
every request the Prince made, and reprobating in
each of them his extravagance and dissipated man-
ner of living. They were void of every expression
of parental kindness or affection ; and, after both
hearing them read, and perusing them myself, I was
compelled to subscribe to the Prince's opinion, and
to confess there was very little appearance of making
any impression on His Majesty in favour of His
Royal Highness. I resumed, however, the con-
versation as follows : —
" Harris. I am hurt to a degree, Sir, at what I
have read. But still, Sir, the Queen must have a
reconciliation so much at heart, that, through her
and your sisters, it surely might be effected.
" Prince. Look ye, Harris ; I cannot bring myself
to say I am in the wrong when I am in the right.
The King has used me ill ; and I wish the public
FLIGHT 63
knew what you now know, and was to pronounce
between us.
"Harris. I should be very sorry, indeed, Sir, if
this was known beyond these walls ; for I am much
mistaken if the public would not pronounce a judg-
ment widely different from that you think.
"Prince. This is a cruel truth, if it be true what
you say ; but it is of no use to investigate it ; my
case never will go to that tribunal.
" Harris. May I suggest, Sir, the idea of your
marrying? It would, I should think, be most
agreeable to the King, and, I am certain, most
grateful to the nation.
"Prince (with vehemence}. I never will marry!
My resolution is taken on that subject. I have
settled it with Frederick. No, I never will marry !
"Harris. Give me leave to say, Sir, most respect-
fully, that you cannot have really come to such a
resolution ; and you must marry, Sir. You owe it
to the country, to the King, to yourself.
"Prince. I owe nothing to the King. Frederick
will marry, and the crown will descend to his
children ; and as for myself, I do not see how it
affects me.
"Harris. Till you are married, Sir, and have
children, you have no solid hold on the affections
of the people, even while you are Prince of Wales ;
but if you come to the throne a bachelor, and His
Royal Highness the Duke of York is married, and
has sons to succeed you, your situation, when King,
will be more painful than it is at this moment. Our
own history furnishes strong examples of the truth
of what I say.
64 MRS. FITZHERBERT
"The Prince was greatly struck with this obser-
vation. He walked about the room, apparently
angry. I moved towards the door, saying, ' I per-
ceive, Sir, I have said too much : you will allow
me to withdraw. I am sure I shall be forgiven an
hour hence.'
"Prince. You are forgiven now, my dear Harris.
I am angry with myself, not with you. Don't
question me any more. I will think of what you
said. Adieu. God bless you."1
The most remarkable passage in this conversa-
tion was the Prince's vehement declaration that he
would never marry, and that he had " settled it with
Frederick." By this he meant that he would never
make a marriage of policy after the manner of
princes, or a marriage in accordance with the terms
of his father's recently passed Royal Marriage Act,
and he made this declaration, be it noted, at a time
when not only the King and the Government, but
also his political and personal friends, were agreed
in urging him to contract such an alliance. His
declaration shows that he had by this time fully
determined to offer Mrs. Fitzherbert such a marriage
as it was in his power to offer her — a marriage which
the law of England would treat as illegal, and which
in Hanover would be regarded as morganatic — that
is to say, though recognised as a marriage, it would
not give the wife the rank of her husband.2 The
Prince had this in mind when he said " Frederick
will marry, and the crown will descend to his
1 " Malmesbury Diaries": My Second Conference with the Prince
of Wales.
2 Such a marriage was that of his ancestor, Duke George William
of Celle, with Eleanore d'Olbreuse, mother of Sophia Dorothea.
FLIGHT 65
children," for he knew that if he had any children by
his contemplated marriage with Mrs. Fitzherbert,
they would be deemed incapable of succeeding to
the throne of England, and would be treated as
infantes nullius, or dead in law.1
Harris did not realise the full force of the Prince's
words at the time. He was astonished at the
summary rejection of his well-meant efforts ; but
later, when the rumour of the Prince's marriage to
Mrs. Fitzherbert reached his ears, it became clear
to him that the idea was in the Prince's mind when
he spoke with him, and that Mrs. Fitzherbert was
"the great obstacle in the way of his accepting
my proposal."2
All this time Mrs. Fitzherbert remained in
Lorraine, shadowed by the Prince's spies, and the
recipient of his continued letters. Still she tried,
with a force ever growing feebler, to fight off his
assault. But she was getting tired of her self-
imposed exile, and presently an incident occurred
which convinced her that it was impossible for this
state of affairs to continue indefinitely.
Despite the strict retirement in which she lived she
became the object of the attentions of the notorious
Marquis de Bellois, who offered her marriage.
The Marquis was one of the handsomest men in
France, and one of the most polished and accom-
plished scoundrels in Europe. The young English
1 What their claims might have been to the crown of Hanover need
not be discussed here, as none were born.
3 The Prince wrote later (1799) to Mrs. Fitzherbert that Harris had
been informed by him " of every, even the minutest, circumstance of
our marriage."
VOL. I E
66 MRS. FITZHERBERT
widow, beautiful, well-connected and well-dowered,
was a fair mark for a needy French nobleman. She
refused him in the most uncompromising manner,
and when, despite her refusal, he continued to urge
his suit, she left Plombiers for Paris. She had fled
from England to protect her reputation, but this
affair showed her that she had only escaped one
danger to encounter another. She was too young
and too beautiful a woman to continue to live alone
and unprotected in a foreign country, away from her
family and her friends. That she had lived abroad
all these months, surrounded by an atmosphere of
secrecy, was no fault of her own, but it served to
whet the tongue of scandal. Why all this mystery,
people asked, unless there was something wrong ?
She had done nothing to be ashamed of, yet she
could not explain her position without compromising
others. Besides, her explanation would be received
with scornful incredulity by the gay world of Paris
and of London, who would neither understand nor
respect her scruples. Moreover, she was of a
temperament which could not bear to live alone.
Though not devoted to pleasure, she was fond of
society and amusement, and enjoyed the companion-
ship of her friends. She reflected also that, so far,
her object in going abroad had signally failed, for
time and distance only seemed to make the Prince
more eager. Herein may be found the first hint of
her yielding.
It is impossible to sketch accurately the combina-
tion of circumstances by which, little by little, Mrs.
Fitzherbert's resistance was beaten down. She be-
gan to hesitate, and hesitating was lost. " Wrought
FLIGHT 67
upon and fearful," she was first "induced to promise
formally and deliberately that she would never marry
any other person." l From promising to marry no
one but the Prince, to promising to marry him was
only a step. But before taking it she stipulated
for conditions which would satisfy her conscience.
The Prince, who had no conscience at all where his
desires were concerned, was willing to grant her
everything in his power. She had not been satisfied
with the grotesque ceremony at Carlton House, then
he would offer her a real marriage, as real as he
could make it, one that would satisfy her scruples
and meet the requirements of her Church. More
than that she did not ask, and more than that he
could not give, for the Royal Marriage Act lay
athwart their path. She knew of this Act as well
as he, and with him was willing to risk the danger
of violating it, but still she hesitated. She was un-
willing to encourage this prodigal son into a flagrant
act of disobedience to the wishes of his father. The
Prince was ready to meet this scruple, as he had
met the others, by his sophistry which never failed.
In a letter of abnormal length (thirty-seven pages),2
for he was always a man of many words, he assured
her that "his father would connive at the union."
This of course was not true, but perhaps the Prince
persuaded himself that it was, for he had extra-
ordinary powers of self-deception. It is impossible
to believe that the King would have connived at the
violation of the Act which he had forced through
1 Langdale, op. cit.
2 Lord Stourton says that Mrs. Fitzherbert showed him this letter
" entirely in the handwriting of the Prince."
68 MRS. FITZHERBERT
Parliament only thirteen years before, framed to
prevent just such a marriage as this. He was a
conscientious man, and would not have thus
stultified himself. But with the Prince of Wales it
was a settled conviction that his father hated him,
and would gladly have seen him supplanted by his
younger brother, the Duke of York. " I have
settled it all with Frederick," he told Harris ;
" Frederick will marry, and the crown will descend
to his children." The Prince may have thought
that the King would wink at his irregular and mor-
ganatic marriage in order to bring about such a
consummation.
But whether the Prince believed what he wrote or
not, his word was all-sufficient for Mrs. Fitzherbert.
The time had not come when she had learned to
lament his fatal disregard of truth. She believed
implicitly all he told her, and all his promises and
vows. She could no longer doubt the sincerity of
his love. He had endured a long and cruel proba-
tion ; she had kept away from him, and had resisted
all his prayers and importunities, for more than a
year, and yet at the end of the period his love for
her was unchanged. He had answers for all her
objections, he granted all her stipulations, he was
willing to risk everything for her sake. She could
not change her religion, and therefore the Prince
by marrying a Roman Catholic (even though the
marriage might be illegal), ran the risk of forfeit-
ing his right of succession to the crown.1 It was
said that Mrs. Fitzherbert did not realise this
1 Section IX. of the Act of Settlement, 1889.
FLIGHT 69
until later, but she knew, none better, the strong
prejudice against Roman Catholics in England.
She knew, too, how much the Prince would damage
his popularity by allying himself intimately with
one of her faith, even though the connection were
to the world not an honourable one. How much
greater, then, would be the outcry if their secret
marriage ever became known ? It was largely for
this reason that she had withstood him so long ;
but since he was willing to take the risk for her
sake, she was not the woman to deny him from
fear of the consequences to herself. And so, at
last, worn out with his pleading, and moved by
the chivalry of his devotion, she threw down
her arms, and promised to return to England
and become his wife. It was no hasty, ill-con-
sidered action, for she saw, we are told, "clearly
and justly that she was about to plunge into
inextricable difficulties ; but having insisted upon
conditions, such as would satisfy her conscience
and justify her in the eyes of her own Church,
she abandoned herself to her fate."1 Once she
surrendered she knew no half measures ; she
might have extracted any terms she pleased
from the infatuated Prince, but with a rare disin-
terestedness, she asked for nothing beyond the one
condition demanded by her conscience and her
Church. She left everything else to the honour
of the man to whom she was henceforth to devote
her life.
It will always be an enigma what induced a woman
1 Langdale, op, tit.
yo MRS. FITZHERBERT
of Mrs. Fitzherbert's temperament and character to
yield at the last. What led this pure and proud
woman, with her definite ideas of right and wrong,
to consent to an act which, if not wrong in itself, was
at least capable of wrongful interpretation? But
one thing at least is clear. Her motives were not
interested. Perhaps she persuaded herself that she
must make the sacrifice for his sake ; perhaps she
deluded herself that she was necessary to him — this
headstrong, passionate, lovable youth, whose faults
appeared to be all on the surface, and who was
his own worst enemy. Perhaps she conceived
it was her mission to rescue him from his
evil advisers, and make him worthy of the high
position which he was one day destined to fill.
It may be, too, that her heart now spoke for the
first time. She had been twice married before to
men years older than herself, and these marriages
were probably arranged for her by others ; the
union she now contemplated was not a marriage
of convenience but of pure romance. There were
in this adventure all the elements of romance,
of secrecy, and of danger. A Prince, young and
handsome as an Apollo, a lover passionate and
ardent, laid his heart at her feet. She would
have been less than a woman had she spurned it.
She was weary of her self-imposed exile, weary of
the loneliness of her life. There had come to her
that hunger that comes sooner or later to every man
and woman, the desire to take happiness with both
hands, and count the world well lost — the desire to
know, even though it be for one brief hour, the
FLIGHT 71
heart of life. And this it may be claimed for Maria
Fitzherbert, that despite all the suffering and dis-
appointment of after years she at least had her
hour.
Thus it follows that, after all, the simplest ex-
planation of her yielding is the truest. She yielded
because she loved him.
CHAPTER V
SURRENDER
(1785)
MRS. FITZHERBERT returned to England the first
week of December 1785, after an exile of more
than a year's duration. She travelled through to
London, and went to her house in Park Street. It
is said, on questionable authority, that the Prince
of Wales went to Paris incognito and had an
interview with Mrs. Fitzherbert, with the result
that she consented to accompany him back to
England.1 It is unlikely that this took place,
but it is probable that he went down to Dover
to meet her, and escorted her to London, which
would account for the rumour. Care was taken
to prevent her return becoming known, but
before long every one interested knew that she
had come back. The Prince's household sus-
pected that something unusual was taking place.
There was an air of suppressed excitement about
everything the Prince said and did which could not
pass unnoticed, and when it became known that
Mrs. Fitzherbert had returned from abroad, all in
his immediate service felt that the state of uncer-
1 Another rumour was that he had crossed from Brighton to
Dieppe in the summer. Mrs. Fitzherbert met him there, and he had
come to an arrangement with her then.
GEORGE, 1'RINGE OF WALES, AS "FLORIZEL"
(After the Fainting by GEORGE COSWAY, R.A.)
SURRENDER 73
tainty and unrest in which he had lived for the last
year was nearing its end. There was not one of
the Prince's real friends who did not contemplate
with alarm the possibility of such a marriage, but
the Prince was surrounded by parasites and flat-
terers, who were ready to aid and abet him on
a course imprudent for himself and disastrous
for the woman he loved. Others there were of
his boon companions, reckless young "bloods,"
ever ready for an affair of gallantry, who, seeing
that he was not to be dissuaded, fell in with his
mood.
The Prince was not one who could keep a secret,
and in this case he had to take two or three persons
into his confidence, in order to make arrangements
for his marriage. Though silence is a word written
large over the gates of palaces, a secret which is
known to two or three persons is soon a secret no
longer. It is probable that some well-wisher of the
Prince, who was in his confidence, so far betrayed
him as to communicate with Fox, and urge him to do
what he could to persuade the Prince from marrying
Mrs. Fitzherbert. Fox was one of the first to hear
of Mrs. Fitzherbert's arrival in London, and he
regarded the news as serious. He knew from the
Prince himself of his reckless passion and her pro-
longed resistance, and he felt that she would not
have returned to England unless a way had been
found to overcome her scruples. Moreover, the
fact that the Prince had lately avoided him
lent weight to his suspicions, that marriage and
nothing else was in the Prince's mind. He
resolved to make an effort to prevent such an
74 MRS. FITZHERBERT
act of folly, and without delay wrote the following
letter :—
The Right Hon. C. J. Fox, M.P., to H.R.H.
the Prince of Wales.
"Dec. 10, 1785.
"SiR, — I hope that your Royal Highness does
me the justice to believe that it is with the utmost
reluctance that I trouble you with my opinion un-
asked at any time, much more so upon a subject
where it may not be agreeable to your wishes. I
am sure that nothing could ever make me take
this liberty, but the condescension which you have
honoured me with upon so many occasions, and the
zealous and grateful attachment that I feel for your
Royal Highness, and which makes me run the risk
even of displeasing you for the purpose of doing
you a real service.
" I was told just before I left town yesterday,
that Mrs. Fitzherbert was arrived ; and if I had
heard only this, I should have felt most unfeigned
joy at an event which I knew would contribute so
much to your Royal Highness's satisfaction ; but I
was told at the same time, that from a variety of
circumstances which had been observed and put
together, there was reason to suppose that you were
going to take the very desperate step (pardon the
expression) of marrying her at this moment. If
such an idea be really in your mind, and it be not
now too late, for God's sake let me call your atten-
tion to some considerations, which my attachment
to your Royal Highness, and the real concern
which I take in whatever relates to your interest,
SURRENDER 75
have suggested to me, and which may possibly have
the more weight with you when you perceive that
Mrs. Fitzherbert is equally interested in most of
them with yourself.
" In the first place, you are aware that a marriage
with a Catholic throws the Prince contracting such
a marriage out of the succession of the Crown.1
Now, what change may have happened in Mrs.
Fitzherbert's sentiments upon religious matters I
know not ; but I do not understand that any public
profession of change has been made : and surely,
Sir, this is not a matter to be trifled with ; and your
Royal Highness must excuse the extreme freedom
with which I write. If there should be a doubt
about her previous conversion,2 consider the circum-
stances in which you stand ; he King not feeling
for you as a father ought, the Duke of York pro-
fessedly his favourite, and likely to be married
agreeably to the King's wishes ; the nation full
of its old prejudices against Catholicks, and justly
dreading all disputes about succession. In all these
circumstances your enemies might take such advan-
tage as I shudder to think of; and though your
generosity might think no sacrifice too great to be
made to a person whom you love so entirely, con-
sider what her reflections must be in such an event,
and how impossible it would be for her ever to for-
give herself.
" I have stated this danger upon the supposition
1 Vide Section IX. of the Act of 1689. "An Act for declaring the
rights and liberties of the subject, and settling the succession to the
Crown."
2 i.e. to the Church of England. But Mrs. Fitzherbert had not
been " converted."
76 MRS. FITZHERBERT
that the marriage would be a real one ; but your
Royal Highness knows as well as I, that according
to the present laws of the country it cannot ; l and I
need not point out to your good sense what a source
of uneasiness it must be to you, to her, and above
all to the nation, to have it a matter of dispute and
discussion, whether the Prince of Wales is, or is not,
married. All speculations on the feelings of the
publick are uncertain ; but I doubt much whether an
uncertainty of this kind, by keeping men's minds in
perpetual agitation upon a matter of this moment,
might not cause a greater ferment than any other
possible situation. If there should be children from
the marriage, I need not say how much the uneasi-
ness (as well of yourselves as of the nation) must
be aggravated. If anything could add to the weight
of these considerations, it is the impossibility of
remedying the mischiefs I have alluded to ; for if
your Royal Highness should think proper, when
you are twenty-five years old, to notify to Parlia-
ment your intention to marry (by which means alone
a legal marriage can be contracted), in what manner
can it be notified? If the previous marriage is
mentioned or owned, will it not be said that you
have set at defiance the laws of your country ; and
that you now come to Parliament for a sanction for
what you have already done in contempt of it ? If
there are children, will it not be said that we must
look for future applications to legitimate them, and
consequently be liable to disputes for the succession
1 Fox here alludes to the Royal Marriage Act of 1772, which
prevented the Prince from marrying before the age of twenty-five
without the consent of the King.
SURRENDER 77
between the eldest son, and the eldest son after the
legal marriage ? And will not the entire annulling
of the whole marriage be suggested as the most
secure way of preventing all such disputes ? If the
marriage is not mentioned to Parliament, but yet is
known to have been solemnised, as it certainly will
be known, if it takes place, these are the con-
sequences— First, that at all events any child born
in the interim is immediately illegitimated ; and
next, that arguments will be drawn from the cir-
cumstances of the concealed mafriage against the
publick one. It will be said, that a woman who
has lived with you as your wife without being so,
is not fit to be Queen of England ; l and thus the
very thing that is done for the sake of her re-
putation will be used against it : and what would
make this worse would be, the marriage being
known (though not officially communicated to Par-
liament), it would be impossible to deny the asser-
tion ; whereas, if there was no marriage, I conclude
your intercourse would be carried on as it ought,
in so private a way as to make it wholly inconsistent
with decency or propriety for any one in publick to
hazard such a suggestion. If, in consequence of
your notification, steps should be taken in Parlia-
ment, and an Act passed (which, considering the
present state of the power of the King and Ministry,
is more than probable) to prevent your marriage,
you will be reduced to the most difficult of all
dilemmas with respect to the footing upon which
1 This is outside the argument. There never was any question of
Mrs. Fitzherbert becoming Queen of England. She might have
become Queen of Hanover, but never Queen of England without a
repeal of the Act of Settlement.
78 MRS. FITZHERBERT
your marriage is to stand for the future ; and your
children will be born to pretensions which must
make their situation unhappy, if not dangerous.
Their situations appear to me of all others the
most to be pitied ; and the more so, because the
more indications persons born in such circumstances
give of spirit, talents, or anything that is good, the
more will they be suspected and oppressed, and the
more will they regret the being deprived of what
they must naturally think themselves entitled to.
" I could mention many other considerations upon
this business, if I did not think those I have stated
of so much importance, that smaller ones would
divert your attention from them rather than add
to their weight. That I have written with a free-
dom which on any other occasion would be unbe-
coming, I readily confess ; and nothing would have
induced me to do it, but a deep sense of my duty to
a Prince who has honoured me with so much of his
confidence, and who would have but an ill return
for all his favour and goodness to me, if I were
to avoid speaking truth to him, however disagree-
able, at so critical a juncture. The sum of my
humble advice, nay, of my most earnest entreaty,
is this — that your Royal Highness would not think
of marrying till you can marry legally. When that
time comes, you must judge for yourself; and no
doubt you will take into consideration, both what
is due to private honour and your publick station.
In the meanwhile, a mock marriage (for it can be
no other) is neither honourable for any of the
parties, nor, with respect to your Royal Highness,
even safe. This appears so clear to me, that, if
SURRENDER 79
I were Mrs. Fitzherbert's father or brother, I would
advise her not by any means to agree to it, and to
prefer any other species of connection with you to one
leading to so much misery and mischief. *
" It is high time I should finish this very long and,
perhaps your Royal Highness will think, ill-timed
letter ; but such as it is, it is dictated by pure zeal
and attachment to your Royal Highness. With
respect to Mrs. Fitzherbert, she is a person with
whom I have scarcely the honour of being ac-
quainted, but I hear from everybody that her char-
acter is irreproachable and her manners most
amiable. Your Royal Highness knows, too, that
I have not in my mind the same objection to
intermarriages with Princes and subjects which
many have.2 But under the circumstances a
marriage at present appears to me to be the most
desperate measure for all parties concerned that
their worst enemies could have suggested." 3
This, it must be admitted, is, as a whole, a tem-
perate and well-reasoned letter, worthy of the writer,
and worthy of consideration from the recipient.
But the cynical suggestion, " If I were Mrs. Fitz-
herbert's father or brother I would advise her not
by any means to agree to it (the marriage), and to
1 Lord Russell in his " Life of Fox " most disingenuously omits the
words in italics from the letter, which he otherwise quotes in full.
2 Fox had strongly opposed the Royal Marriage Act.
3 This letter, together with the Prince's answer thereto, is quoted
from the " Memoirs of the Whig Party," by Lord Holland, 1854. Lord
Holland says, "The above rough draft of the letter which, though
without signature, is all, excepting the date, in Fox's own handwriting,
was found among his papers (after his death), together with the
answer, written, dated, and signed by the Prince of Wales."
8o MRS. FITZHERBERT
prefer any other species of connection with you to
one leading to so much misery and mischief," is the
weak link in the chain of argument which weakens
all the rest. If we take into account the laxity
of the period, it was not an unusual sentiment to
come from a free-thinking man of the world, who,
at the time he wrote it, was living openly in a
"species of connection" with a woman who was
not his wife. But it shows that Fox, with all his
shrewdness and worldly wisdom, was incapable of
understanding a woman of the type of Mrs. Fitz-
herbert. Neither could he enter into her religious
scruples, or realise that what he called a "mock
marriage " (it was undoubtedly illegal) would be a
valid marriage in her sight, and valid according to
the doctrine of the Church to which she belonged.
" Mrs. Fitzherbert," says Mr. Langdale, " was a
Catholic, and educated in the principles of the
Catholic religion, whose doctrine can admit no
difference between a prince and a peasant, con-
demning alike the criminal indulgences of either,
and maintaining in both the indissoluble sacredness
of the marriage contract."1 These considerations
meant nothing to Fox. Yet it is not necessary to
be a man of strict morality to realise that they
would be vital to a virtuous woman. Herein, we
take it, lies the difference between Fox and the
Prince. To Fox every woman was "at heart a
rake," but the Prince knew better, and realised
that between the woman whom he wished to
make his wife and " those others " there was an
impassable gulf.
1 Langdale, op tit.
SURRENDER 81
It was perhaps this obliquity of moral vision
which accounted for Fox's readiness to swallow the
glib denial, or rather evasion, which the Prince sent
him the following day. It was much easier, more
natural, for him to believe that Mrs. Fitzherbert
had yielded at discretion, than that the Prince had
agreed to her stipulation of a marriage. In view of
what happened later, the Prince's answer to Fox's
letter is very important, as it is probably the only
direct communication that Fox ever received from
the Prince on the subject.
H.R.H. the Prince of Wales to the Right Hon.
C. J. Fox, M.P.
"My DEAR CHARLES, — Your letter of last night
afforded me more satisfaction than I can find words
to express ; as it is an additional proof to me ( which,
I assure you, I did not want) of your having that
true regard and affection for me which it is not only
the wish but the ambition of my life to merit.
Make yourself easy, my dear friend. Believe me,
the world will soon be convinced that there not
only is,1 but never was, any ground for these reports,
which of late have been so malevolently circulated.
I have not seen you since the apostacy of Eden.2 I
think it ought to have the same effect upon all our
friends that it has upon me, I mean the linking us
closer to each other ; and I believe you will easily
believe these to be my sentiments ; for you are
perfectly well acquainted with my ways of thinking
1 The Prince meant to say " there not only is not."
2 Mr. Eden, afterwards Lord Auckland, seceded from the Whigs
and joined the Tories at this time.
VOL. I. F
82 MRS. FITZHERBERT
upon these (sic) sort of subjects. When I say my
ways of thinking, I think I had better say my old
maxim, which I ever intend to adhere to ; I mean
that of swimming or sinking with my friends. I
have not time to add much more, except just to say
that I believe I shall meet you at dinner at Bushey l
on Tuesday ; and to desire you to believe me at all
times, my dear Charles, most affectionately yours,
"GEORGE P."
"CARLTON HOUSE,
Sunday morning^ i o'clock,
December n, 1785."
It is impossible to acquit the Prince of the inten-
tion to deceive Fox by this disingenuous epistle.
Not only was his marriage already decided upon,
but at the very hour he wrote arrangements for the
ceremony were being hurriedly pressed forward.
Perhaps the Prince, to whom sophistry and equi-
vocation were second nature, justified himself by
the quibble that as the marriage had not yet taken
place he could still deny it by implication. For, be
it noted, he makes no direct allusion to it, he only
denies generally " these reports which of late have
been so malevolently circulated." As a great many
of the reports then current were false and exag-
gerated, the Prince was safe in denying them.
Yet if Fox had studied the letter carefully then (as
he doubtless studied it later) he would have seen
that the Prince only evaded the point. He might
also have read between the lines how embarrassing
1 Lord North, who was a friend of both Fox and the Prince of
Wales, was then living at Bushey. But there is no record that the
dinner ever took place.
SURRENDER 83
the subject was, for the Prince hastily escapes from
it to " the apostacy of Eden," of which Fox had said
nothing. He might have remembered, too, the
Prince's notorious disregard of truth. But people
are always ready to believe what they wish to be-
lieve, and Fox, having received a document which
would not only exonerate him from any knowledge
of the marriage, but would also enable him to deny
it with authority if occasion arose, washed his hands
of the business. The Prince, we may be sure, did
not reopen the subject with Fox, nor did he mention
this correspondence to Mrs. Fitzherbert, either then
or at any future time. Had she seen Fox's letter to
the Prince, coming from a man of his private re-
putation and political position, it might, even at the
eleventh hour, have made her pause, for it would
have shown her clearly not only the risks the Prince
ran, but how she herself would be regarded by a
censorious world.
One would have thought that Mrs. Fitzherbert's
" male relatives," to whom Fox alludes, would have
advised her against the marriage. But they had
been won over to the Prince's side. Her two elder
brothers, Watt and Jack Smythe, were hot-headed,
impulsive youths, lately thrown upon the town.
That they should have been over-persuaded by the
Prince is not astonishing, especially as he vowed, by
all that was holy, that he held their sister in highest
honour. The sons of a Roman Catholic country
squire, bred up in the seclusion then consequent on
their faith, they were flattered, not unnaturally, by
the notice of the most accomplished Prince of his
age, and they were dazzled by the prospect held
84 MRS. FITZHERBERT
out of future favours arising from the brilliant
alliance. They neither realised, nor recked, the
dangers of such a connection to their sister. But
her uncle, Mr. Errington, should have been wiser.
He was a man of the world, of means and of posi-
tion : he had stood in the place of guardian to his
niece since her father had become a hopeless invalid.
He must have realised that, in the long run, such
a union could not make for Mrs. Fitzherbert's
happiness. He, a prominent Roman Catholic lay-
man, must have known that the marriage was
illegal, and that the illegality was complicated by
the fact of his niece's religion. True, at first he re-
monstrated with her, but she would not listen ; and
when he had satisfied himself that there was to be a
marriage ceremony fulfilling the requirements of his
Church, he let things take their course. After all,
his niece was a woman of twenty-nine years of age,
who had been twice a widow. The family honour
would be satisfied, for the rest she must take care
of herself. He even lent himself to helping the
marriage forward, for he promised Mrs. Fitzherbert
that he and one of her brothers should be present
at the ceremony to see that everything was done
regularly and in due order.
Thus one difficulty was surmounted. But there
remained another, not so easily overcome. A
marriage such as Mrs. Fitzherbert insisted upon, a
real marriage as opposed to the sham ceremony at
Carlton House, involved not only witnesses, but an
officiating clergyman. On the surface it would
seem that the simplest way to satisfy her scruples
would be for the ceremony to be performed
SURRENDER 85
secretly by a Roman Catholic priest according
to the rites of the Church of Rome, customary
in what are known as "mixed marriages" — the
marriage of a Roman Catholic with a baptized
Christian, whether Greek or Anglican, or belonging
to one of the Protestant sects. But according to
the law of England at that time it was a serious
offence for a Roman Catholic priest to celebrate a
marriage between one of his faith and a member
of the Church of England. Such marriages had to
be performed by a clergyman of the Established
Church if they were to be regarded as legal, and so
the law continued until the second Relief Act of
1791. Until then, even marriages between two
Roman Catholics had to be solemnised by a clergy-
man of the Established Church if they were to be
legally binding. Mrs. Fitzherbert may therefore
have stipulated for the presence of a clergyman of
the Established Church, as an additional guarantee
of the regularity (though not of the validity) of the
marriage. But it is more probable that the Prince
of Wales was averse to a secret marriage by a
Roman Catholic priest, because, if it ever became
known, such an act might be regarded by zealous
Protestants as an act of communion with the Church
of Rome on the part of the heir-apparent. It was
therefore a sine qua non that the marriage should be
performed by a clergyman of the Church of Eng-
land. The difficulty arose in finding one willing
to perform the ceremony.
According to the Royal Marriage Act of 1772
a clergyman solemnising such a marriage would be
committing an illegal act, and exposing himself to
86 MRS. FITZHERBERT
the penalties of premunire, whatever they might be
— in olden days death, then probably confiscation
of property and transportation beyond the seas.
Some clergymen might be found to argue that an
Act of Parliament tampering with the marriage law
was not binding on the Church, since it was carried
without consulting Convocation. The Canon Law of
the Church of England remained the same whatever
Parliament might do, and thus a clergyman need
have no scruple about performing the marriage
ceremony. But the difficulty was complicated by
the fact of the woman being a Roman Catholic and
the man the heir-apparent to the throne. No con-
scientious clergyman of the Established Church,
even the most liberal-minded, could upon reflection
consider that, in the existing state of public feeling,
it would be a wise or seemly thing for the Prince of
Wales to set at defiance the law by which the House
of Hanover succeeded to the English throne, and
espouse a Roman Catholic.
There were of course unscrupulous and venal
clergymen, and to these Colonel Gardner, the
Prince's private secretary, to whom was entrusted
the task of finding a clergyman, went first. He,
true to his instinct, sought one of the type of the
notorious Parson Keith and the Chaplain of the
Fleet. He first made application to the Rev. Philip
Rosenhagen, a disreputable military chaplain, who,
being a clever and cunning scoundrel, had made
his way into the Prince's society. Rosenhagen
was a friend of Sir Philip Francis, and at his
death in 1799 he left him his papers, which included
certain letters relating to the marriage of the Prince
SURRENDER 87
of Wales and Mrs. Fitzherbert Lady Francis gives
the following account of them : —
" Colonel Gardner, the Prince's private secretary,
writes the first letter, asking R. to perform the
ceremony. R. replies that it would be contrary
to the law for him to do so, and, if done, would
be productive of important, probably disastrous,
consequences to the whole nation. The Colonel
answers that the Prince is aware of all that, but
pledges himself to keep the matter a profound
secret, and that the Prince will feel bound to
reward R. for such a proof of his attachment, as
soon as the means are in his power. Rosenhagen
in reply says that he can trust implicitly the Prince's
promise of secrecy, but he dare not betray the duty
he owes to the Prince, by assisting in an affair that
might bring such serious consequence to him."
Lady Francis says there were six letters, and she
" believes Rosenhagen declined the business because
no specific offer was made to him, and not from the
motive stated in the letters, as he was daring and
unscrupulous." 1
Application was next made to a clergyman of a
very different type, the Rev. Johnes Knight, Rector
of Welwyn in Hertfordshire, and who also, after the
pluralist fashion of those days, held a city living.
" Parson Johnes," as he was called, was a jovial
divine of the old school. He was a man of ample
private means, a judge of good port, and a keen
sportsman. He was more of the squire than the
parson, and though he was a scholar, and had the
1 "Memoirs of Sir Philip Francis, K.C.B., with Correspondence
and Journals," 1867.
88 MRS. FITZHERBERT
advantages of wealth and good connections, yet he
did not seek preferment in the Church, but pre-
ferred his independence, which he might have had
to sacrifice on promotion. He had known the
Prince of Wales "since he was a child in frocks,"
and was sincerely attached to him. Parson Johnes
had a good many friends in high places. He often
posted up to London to look after his city church,
see his friends, and dine at his favourite haunts.
On one of these occasions he paid a visit to Lord
North at Bushey,2 and it was while he was staying
there that he was approached on the subject of
marrying Mrs. Fitzherbert to the Prince. The
story is best told in his own words. This is
fortunately possible by giving the following letter
which Mr. Johnes Knight wrote to his daughter
Louisa, Lady Shelley, forty-five years later, four
months after the death of George IV. :3 —
The Reverend S. Johnes Knight to Lady Shelley.
".HENLEY HALL, September 28, 1830.
"Mv DEAREST DAUGHTER, — To please you I will
try to recollect my part in the transaction of the
marriage of the late King George IV., when Prince
of Wales, with Mrs. Fitzherbert.
" In the month of December 1785 I was staying
1 Hie et ubique, by Sir William Fraser.
2 Frederick North, second Earl of Guildford, better known as Lord
North (1732-1792), sometime Prime Minister.
8 The Rev. Johnes Knight lived to be nearly a hundred years of
age, and his memory was excellent until within a few years of his
death. The following letter was lent to me, for the purpose of
dublication in this book, by a relative of his daughter, the late Lady
Shelley. I give the letter, now published for the first time, in full.
MRS. FITZHERBERT
(After the Painting by GEORGE COSWAY, R.A.)
SURRENDER 89
with Lord North at Bushey Park. At that time
there were only his own family with him. We
were playing at some round game on one of those
evenings, when, about nine o'clock, a letter was
brought to me from the Prince, in which he com-
manded me to come directly to a supper at Carlton
House. By Lord North's advice I instantly set
off for London ; and I believe his Lordship thought
something more was intended for me than a mere
supper, since Lady Glenbervie1 told me her father
desired they would never mention this letter of the
Prince.
" On my arrival at Carlton House, a letter was
delivered to me from Edward Bouverie to say
that the party was put off, and that the Prince ex-
pected to see me at an early hour the next morning.
It was now eleven o'clock, and I proceeded to the
' Mount ' coffee house in Lower Grosvenor Street
to get some supper. Here I chanced to meet with
Colonel Lake (created Lord Lake),2 and we supped
together. In the course of conversation we talked
of the Prince's attachment to Mrs. Fitzherbert, and
Lake said that he was almost certain the Prince
intended to marry Mrs. Fitzherbert, but that he
trusted no clergyman would be found to perform
the ceremony. To this I cordially agreed, and I
went home to Stratford Place, where my mother
resided.
"The next morning I was admitted into the
1 Catherine Anna, daughter of Lord North, second Earl of Guild-
ford (1760-1817), married first Baron Glenbervie.
2 Gerrard Lake, first Viscount Lake of Delhi (1744-1808), a distin-
guished soldier, afterwards Commander-in-Chief in India.
90 MRS. FITZHERBERT
Prince's dressing-room at Carlton House, and the
Prince very soon came to me in his dressing-gown,
appearing to have just got out of bed. He began
by apologising for bringing me from Bushey Park,
and then, in that persuasive language he knew so
well how to employ, he detailed his long love for
Mrs. Fitzherbert, the misery he had endured, the
taunts he had received from the King in conse-
quence of its having been suspected that the Prince,
in the course of the last summer, had gone from
Brighton to the French coast to visit Mrs. Fitz-
herbert. As a proof of his passion he then drew
up his shirt, and showed a scar on his side, which
the Prince said was caused by his falling on his
sword that he might end his life with his hopeless
love.1 The Prince then spoke of his determination
to repeal the Royal Marriage Act the instant he
came to the Throne (which, by-the-bye, has never
yet been done). The Prince in conclusion begged
me, if I was really attached to him, to perform the
marriage ceremony between him and Mrs. Fitz-
herbert. I used every argument I could think of
to dissuade him from his purpose, but the more I
argued against the marriage the more resolved the
Prince seemed to become the husband of Mrs. Fitz-
herbert, and at last the Prince said, ' If you refuse
to marry me, I must find out another clergyman
who will.' This vehemence of his made me appre-
hensive that the Prince might get some clergyman
to marry him for the chance of Church preferment,
and then that this same divine for a larger bribe
1 The scar which Mrs. Fitzherbert told Lord Stourton she had
frequently seen.
SURRENDER 91
would betray the Prince's secret to Mr. Pitt, who
was then Prime Minister. This made me unable
to resist the Prince's importunity, and I could not
bear to see him so miserable ; for at the period I
am writing about, I esteemed the Prince, notwith-
standing the difference of our rank, with all the
warmth of equality in friendship.
" Dearest Louisa, do not blame me for this weak-
ness ; bear in mind I was young, and could not
help being flattered by the attentions of a Prince
who was one of the best arguers, in his own cause,
I have ever known. His were not the regards of
a common person ; whoever he wished to gain he
talked to so frankly, and on subjects most interest-
ing to his hearer, and his tact was so nice that he
never failed in the most minute circumstance which
he supposed might captivate those with whom he,
for the present hour, chose to associate. In a word,
his manner, his earnestness, his devoted attachment
to Mrs. Fitzherbert, his recklessness of the future,
aided by one little but painful circumstance, namely
a Prince imploring the consent of a subject, subdued
me, and I agreed to marry him.
" This point being settled, the Prince said that
on a certain day I should be walking between
seven and eight o'clock in the evening at the upper
end of Park Lane near Hereford Street,1 where
Mrs. Fitzherbert then lived, and that a person
should be ready to introduce me into her house ; I
understood from the Prince that the only persons
who would attend the wedding were his friends the
1 Now known as Hereford Gardens, at the Oxford Street end of
Park Street and Park Lane.
92 MRS. FITZHERBERT
Duke of Devonshire, and his Duchess, the sister of
Lord Spencer. I then, after thanks in abundance
showered on me, left Carlton House.
" I walked home full of the important business,
and aware of the serious results I was bringing on
myself, yet without the slightest inclination to draw
back, when, just at the door, my last night's con-
versation with Lord Lake at the ' Mount ' coffee
house, flashed across my memory. I too late recol-
lected that I had tacitly engaged not to marry the
Prince to Mrs. Fitzherbert. This made me shrink
from the imprudent step I had taken. In my de-
votedness to the Prince I had set at naught the
legal penalties I must incur, but I could not divest
myself of the dread of reproach from Lord Lake,
for having broken my word. I had, and ever shall
have, the highest opinion of the honour and in-
tegrity of Lord Lake. I know he was sincerely
attached to the Prince, and I would not have for-
feited Lord Lake's good opinion for all the world.
I was now completely wretched, and, as a last re-
source, I immediately wrote the most affecting letter
I could to the Prince, saying that before I saw him,
I had promised to one person that nothing should
induce me to marry the Prince to Mrs. Fitzherbert,
that I had resolved to brave every punishment and
loss I might sustain from having solemnised such
marriage when persuaded to this by the Prince
himself; but that I could not endure loss of honour.
I mentioned, too, most truly, that during the in-
teresting conversation I was honoured with by him
on this subject I lost sight of the promise I had
made, but that now, in my cool moments of re-
SURRENDER 93
flection, it made me most unhappy, and I conjured
him, by the strongest terms I could use, to allow me
to decline the marriage ceremony.
" The Prince sent me directly a very kind answer
releasing me from my engagement, and ordering
me to wait on him at Colonel Gardner's house in
Queen Street. Colonel Gardner naturally enough
said, ' It was a pity I had not recollected my
promise before I had allowed the Prince to con-
fide in me.' I replied that I was very sorry for it,
but that the agitation of such a question, and the
Prince's importunity, had for the moment over-
come me. We were now at Colonel Gardner's
house ; the Prince was already there. He shook
hands with me, at the same time saying, ' if he had
not let me off, I must inevitably have fled from
England.' To this royal logic I joyfully assented,
though for the life of me I never could make out
how banishment must necessarily follow my reso-
lution to conform to the law. In the course of con-
versation the Prince said he was sure he knew the
friend who had bound me, meaning Lord North,
but without mentioning his name. I replied ' that
H.R.H. must pardon me, but that I never could tell
who that friend was.' We then separated.
" I instantly destroyed the Prince's letters, and
never till the death of George IV. mentioned the
business to any one. Neither did I tell Lord Lake
on his return from India, when the tale was out of
date, what I had suffered not to lose his friendship.
" I am firmly convinced that the Prince was
married to Mrs. Fitzherbert, and that all the English
Roman Catholics considered her as the legal wife of
94 MRS. FITZHERBERT
George IV. I am inclined to think that when the
Prince told Mrs. Fitzherbert that I declined marry-
ing him to her, that he forgot to tell her my strict
sense of honour alone prevented my performing the
ceremony. I can speak nothing but what is as
honourable as is true of that ill-used Lady. In her
long intercourse with the Prince of Wales, she never
spoke ill of any human being. She never was
versed in the low art of courtly detraction and
calumny, she never enriched herself, her relations
or friends, by imposing on confiding Royalty ; she
never conspired with any low-born engine (sic) to
keep the distinguished Ruler of England inclosed
in a magic circle, remote from the affections of his
people. But Mrs. Fitzherbert was truly and
honestly attached to her Royal Husband, and
always intent on his showing himself frequently
among those who were destined to be his subjects.
Mrs. Fitzherbert has lived honoured and respected,1
without guile, without deceit, and without that most
odious vice of avarice. Happy had it been for this
forsaken Lady, had she never been the object of
princely love, and a thousand times happier had it
been for the Prince, had he never deserted her for
the dearly-bought smiles of her unworthy successor.
" My dear daughter, you have now all I ever re-
member of this matter, for I write from memory
only, having always thought it base to commit to
writing the conversations of the day. I have told
you what happened forty-five years ago.
" Adieu, dearest ; I hope this will give you half as
1 It must be remembered that she was still living when this letter
was written.
SURRENDER 95
much pleasure in reading, as it has done your most
affectionate Father in writing it. Ever yours,
" S. JOHNES KNIGHT."
Both the clergymen who were thus unsuccess-
fully approached were sworn to secrecy, and
neither of them betrayed his pledged word, or
gave the slightest hint of what was going on. Yet
rumour was extraordinarily busy, and for once
was very near the truth. The return of Mrs.
Fitzherbert to London soon became generally
known, and the gossip of the town put its own con-
struction upon it. In the clubs and coffee-houses,
and in the drawing-rooms of great ladies, nothing
was talked of but Mrs. Fitzherbert's return, and
the terms on which she was supposed to have sur-
rendered to the Prince's importunities were eagerly
discussed. Had she insisted upon a marriage or
had she not ? this was the all-engrossing topic in the
world of fashion. Many of her friends declared
that she must have done so ; others, more worldly-
minded, shrugged their shoulders and looked dubious.
The discussion was animated and prolonged, and
long before it came to an end the marriage had
already taken place, with far more solemn and bind-
ing forms than rumour generally supposed.
CHAPTER VI
THE MARRIAGE
(1785)
AT last a clergyman of the Church of England
was found willing to perform the marriage cere-
mony. The Rev. Robert Burt, a young curate,
who had been recently admitted to priest's orders,
consented to run the risk, and to marry the
Prince of Wales to Mrs. Fitzherbert in return
for ^500 paid down and the promise of future
preferment.
All obstacles being thus removed, the marriage
took place about six o'clock in the evening of De-
cember 15, 1785, at Mrs. Fitzherbert's town house
in Park Street, Park Lane. l The ceremony
was duly performed according to the rites of the
Church of England by an ordained priest of that
Church. Lord Stourton says that " she was married
according to the rites of the Catholic Church ... no
Roman Catholic priest officiating,"2 — a confusion
1 This house, which was at the upper end of Park Street, close to
Oxford Street, near what is now known as Hereford Gardens, has been
pulled down. It was standing until within a comparatively recent
date. Lady Constance Leslie, a daughter of Mrs. Fitzherbert's adopted
daughter, the Hon. Mrs. George Dawson Damer, remembers her
father pointing it out to her as "the house where Mrs. Fitzherbert
married George IV." It was the house left to Mrs. Fitzherbert by
her second husband.
2 Langdale, op. cit.
9*
THE MARRIAGE 97
of language which does not mean that the
Roman ritual was followed, but that such forms
were observed as are recognised by the Church
of Rome to constitute a valid marriage ; the
Anglican rite, performed by an Anglican clergy-
man, in the presence of witnesses, is deemed
sufficient.
Mrs. Fitzherbert's uncle, Henry Errington, gave
his niece away, and he and her brother, Jack Smythe,
acted as witnesses. The greatest secrecy was ob-
served. The Prince came on foot from Carlton
House after dusk, attended only, it is said, by Mr.
Orlando Bridgeman.1 Mrs. Fitzherbert, with her
uncle and brother and the officiating clergyman,
had already assembled in the drawing-room, and
when the Prince arrived the doors of the room
were locked, the clergyman put on his surplice,
and began the service according to " The Form of
Solemnisation of Matrimony in the Book of Com-
mon Prayer." Mr. Bridgeman does not appear
to have been actually present at the marriage ;
he was probably on guard outside the door of the
room, perhaps outside the door of the house, to give
1 Orlando Bridgeman (1762-1825) was the eldest son of Sir Henry
Bridgeman, Bart., afterwards created first Baron Bradford. Orlando,
who was then twenty-three years of age, was M.P. for Wigan. He
succeeded his father in 1800, and in 1815 was created first Earl of
Bradford. He was a Shropshire man, a friend of the Smythe family,
and always a friend of the Prince of Wales. His presence on this
occasion is therefore quite likely, though he was not one of the witnesses
of the marriage. In addition to Mr. Bridgeman some say that General
Keppel, and others the Duke of Bedford, were present at the marriage
as friends of the Prince of Wales. But this is unlikely. Not even
Colonel Gardner, who had found the clergymen and arranged all the
details of the ceremony, was present ; the Prince not wishing to com-
promise any of his servants or friends.
VOL. I. G
98 MRS. FITZHERBERT
alarm in case of need. For it must be remembered
this was the first clandestine marriage of a prince of
the blood since the passing of the Royal Marriage
Act, and if the King or the Government had had
any hint of what was going on, the ceremony would
have been prevented, if necessary by force. But
it passed off without interruption. No one alleged
any impediment why these two should "not be
coupled together in matrimony." Before a clergy-
man of the Church of England, and in the presence
of witnesses, George Prince of Wales and Maria
Fitzherbert knelt side by side and repeated the
vows that made them man and wife. The priest
joined their hands and pronounced over them the
solemn words, " Those whom God hath joined
together let no man put asunder" .
When the service was concluded, the Prince of
Wales wrote out a certificate of marriage with his
own hand and signed it. Mrs. Fitzherbert also
signed it, and the two witnesses added their names
— John Smythe and Henry Errington. This cer-
tificate (her marriage lines) was given into the keep-
ing of Mrs. Fitzherbert. Many years later the
witnesses' signatures were cut out of the certificate
in a moment of panic at their earnest request " by
Mrs. Fitzherbert herself, with her own scissors, to
save them from the peril of the law."1 But the
document thus mutilated was always kept by Mrs.
Fitzherbert, and in 1833 (under circumstances which
will be related more fully later) it was placed by her,
with other papers necessary to prove her marriage,
1 Langdale, op. cit.
THE MARRIAGE 99
in Messrs. Coutts's Bank. The certificate l runs as
follows : —
We, the undersigned, do witness yt George
Augustus Frederick, Prince of Wales, was
married unto Maria Fitzherbert, this 15'* of
December 1785.
Witnesses' names cut out.
GEORGE P.
MARIA FITZHERBERT.
Mrs. Fitzherbert soon regretted her hasty act in
cutting out the witnesses' names. She realised that
it weakened the value of the document as evidence,
and to supply the defect she kept a letter which
the Prince wrote to her nearly fourteen years
after their marriage. In this letter, dated from
Windsor Castle, June n, 1799, he said, speaking
of their marriage : —
1 I am allowed to publish the certificate here by gracious permis-
sion of His Majesty the King. It is the paper marked " No. 2" on
the list given by Langdale (pp. tit. p. 87), and was until recently kept
at Messrs. Coutts's Bank. It has now been removed, with the other
Fitzherbert papers, to the private archives at Windsor Castle by
command of His Majesty. Mr. Langdale, who had never seen the
document, gives the wrong date to the marriage, December 21, 1785.
It took place on December 15, 1785. The tail of the "g" of Mr
Errington's signature can be seen.
ioo MRS. FITZHERBERT
" Thank God my witnesses are living ', your uncle
and your brother, besides Harris [Lord Malmes-
bury], whom I shall call upon as having been informed
by me of every \ even the minutest^ circumstance of
our marriage"
It will be seen that everything connected with
the ceremony was carried out in due order. The
Prince was quite as anxious as Mrs. Fitzherbert
that this should be so — that nothing should be
wanting which could make her his wife according
to God's law.
It is impossible to believe that the young Prince
was not absolutely sincere. Despite his youthful
follies he was far from being an irreligious man.
He knew that to the woman he loved and honoured
the marriage was a real one ; to her marriage was
a sacrament, and the vows she uttered were binding
on her conscience and life. There is no reason
to believe that the Prince regarded the marriage
in a different light, or to doubt that he meant his
vows to be equally binding on him. There is
abundant evidence to prove that despite the wrong
he did her in after years, she was always in his
heart of hearts his "only real and true wife."
The Prince could never make her Princess
of Wales, she could never share with him his
1 This extract from the Prince's letter is published here by
gracious permission of His Majesty the King. This document is
marked " 3 " on the list given by Langdale {op. tit. p. 87) : " Letter
from the late King relating to the Marriage." Mrs. Fitzherbert told
Lord Stourton who her witnesses were, and this letter corroborates
her statement. It also goes to show that Orlando Bridgeman was
not actually present at the ceremony. The officiating clergyman is
not mentioned by the Prince ; he had died in 1791.
h
'
a °
HH £4
N <
H a -^
S 4J 5
c/3 «» m
^ I "5
THE MARRIAGE 101
throne, their children (if there were any) could
never succeed to the crown of England, but he
could and did make her his wife, according to the
law of the Church Catholic throughout the world,
though not according to the law of the British
Parliament. There was no deception in this, for
Mrs. Fitzherbert knew the existing state of the civil
law as well as he. By this marriage he fulfilled
the only stipulation she demanded, for the rest she
trusted wholly to his honour. That she trusted to a
broken reed is a matter of history, yet we refuse to
believe that at the time of his marriage he acted in
bad faith, or ever (even in after years) willingly
wronged her. What happened later does not
necessarily impair his sincerity of purpose at the
time of his marriage. He was full of good inten-
tions. If she had made sacrifices, and they were
great, let it not be forgotten that he made sacri-
fices too. For he knew that if this union ever
became known, the consequences might be most
serious to him. It says much for his trust in
the woman he married, as well as his love for
her, that he placed in her hands such a tremendous
power for harm against him as their marriage certi-
ficate. His trust was not misplaced, for she was
of a generous and noble nature, incapable of petty
meanness or revenge. She solemnly promised that
she would never publish the fact of the marriage
during his lifetime without his consent, and to that
promise she adhered in after years through good
report and evil, despite the grossest attacks on
her character, though she was publicly forsworn in
Parliament, and privately repudiated by her husband.
102 MRS. FITZHERBERT
She held all the documentary proofs of her marriage ;
she could have silenced her calumniators with a
word ; but the proofs were never produced, the word
was never spoken. Her conscience was clear to
herself, she was void of offence before God, and she
let the world say what it would. The result justi-
fied her wisdom. Such was the uprightness of her
character that silence proved her most effectual
weapon, and won for her the belief and respect of
honourable men and women.
There remains to be considered the clergyman
who performed the marriage ceremony, the Rev.
Robert Burt. The Prince of Wales faithfully kept
his promise to give him preferment. In addition to
the ^500 paid down, he appointed him one of his
domestic chaplains, and obtained for him the com-
fortable living of Twickenham (the parish in which
Mrs. Fitzherbert's villa was situated). On the
strength of these good things Mr. Burt married, and
before long had a growing family. His ambitions
grew with his needs ; for his gratitude was of the
kind which has a keen sense of favours to come.
Notwithstanding all that the Prince had done for
him, we find him, six years after the marriage,
writing the following letter, which gives a curious
insight into the character of the man : —
" The Reverend Robert Burt to H.R.H. the
Prince of Wales.
" TWICKENHAM VICARAGE,
February 25, 1791.
"SiR, — I most humbly beg to notify to Your
Royal Highness the death of Dr. Tarrant, Dean of
THE MARRIAGE 103
Peterborough, Rector of St. George's, Bloomsbury,
and Prebendary of Rochester. The above prefer-
ments being all in the gift of the Crown, I have
thought it my duty to announce them accord-
ingly to Your Royal Highness. The Prebend of
Rochester, being the least and most insignificant in
value, I take the liberty to mention it particularly to
Your Royal Highness, and to solicit most humbly
and earnestly your influence and interposition with
the Lord Chancellor to obtain it for me. Your
Royal Highness may be assured that I should not
have made the present application was I not in a
situation to require your gracious aid and protection,
and at the same time most sensible how ready the
Lord Chancellor is upon all occasions to testify his
respect and deference to Your Royal Highness by
paying due attention to your recommendations : of
this I have already been frequently apprised with-
out having occasion to refer to my own particular
case, when Your Royal Highness did me the
honour last year to have my name mentioned to
the Lord Chancellor. It can never be in my
power to testify my gratitude for the indulgences
already conferred on me by Your Royal Highness,
nor am I able in any degree to express them
as my heart would dictate. I can only affirm
that I shall ever retain the liveliest sense of my
obligations to you, and continually pray for Your
Royal Highness's health and happiness as long as
I have breath. From Your Royal Highness's most
gracious assurance of protection and patronage
whenever an opportunity should offer, I have
every reason to flatter myself with success from
io4 MRS. FITZHERBERT
the strength and validity of Your Royal recom-
mendation.
" Let me once more therefore beg leave to solicit
Your Royal Highness's interposition on my behalf,
and to entreat your assistance.
"In the meanwhile I have the honour to be, Sir,
your Royal Highness's most dutiful and faithful
servant,
" ROBERT BURT."
The Prince gave this letter to Mrs. Fitzherbert,
who appended to it the following memorandum in
her own handwriting : —
" The writer of this letter, the Rev. Mr. Burt,
is the clergyman that performed the ceremony of
marriage of H.R.H. the Prince, and of Mrs. Fitz-
herbert.
(Signed}
" MARIA FITZHERBERT."
The clergyman's letter, with the above memo-
randum written on the back, was kept by Mrs.
Fitzherbert among h*er private papers, and in 1833
she placed it, with other documents, at Coutts's
Bank.1 It forms the last link of the chain of
1 I am allowed to publish the letter and memorandum here by
gracious permission of His Majesty the King. This document is
No. 5 on the list given by Langdale (op, cit. p. 87) : " Memorandum
written by Mrs. Fitzherbert, attached to a letter written by the clergy-
man who performed the marriage ceremony."
This document has served as a pretext for several impostors to
declare that they were the children (or descendants of the children)
of the illegal marriage of George IV. and Mrs. Fitzherbert. They
declared that the proofs of their paternity were to be found in the
Fitzherbert papers at Coutts's Bank, more particularly in this docu-
THE MARRIAGE 105
evidence which proves beyond all doubt the fact
that a ceremony of marriage took place between
George, Prince of Wales, and Maria Fitzherbert.
It may be added that Mr. Burt did not obtain
the coveted preferment. Perhaps the Prince of
Wales felt that he had done enough for him, and
that it was time to make a stand. Perhaps he had
not the power, for at the time the application was
made (1791) the Prince was much out of favour
with the King and the Government, and he had no
influence even in the smallest matters. In any case
the Prince was spared further annoyance from this
importunate cleric. Mr. Burt died some eight
months after he had written this letter, on October
17, 1791, at the age of thirty-one. He is said to
have confessed on his deathbed1 that he had per-
formed the marriage between the Prince of Wales
and Mrs. Fitzherbert. Mr. Burt's name, however,
was never mentioned in the connection, and it was
believed until recently that Mr. Johnes Knight had
been the officiating clergyman. At the time of the
marriage it was generally asserted that the ceremony
had been performed by a Roman Catholic priest,
according to the rites of the Church of Rome.
meat, and for that reason the papers were never published. The
publication of the document in full now is a convincing proof of the
falsehood of their statements, which had not the slightest foundation
in fact. Neither by her first or second marriage, nor by her third
marriage with George, Prince of Wales, had Mrs. Fitzherbert any
children.
1 " Diary of Lord Colchester," vol. i. p. 68.
CHAPTER VII1
THE VALIDITY OF THE MARRIAGE
REFERENCE has been made to the Royal Marriage
Act of 1772, of which Act the Prince of Wales's
marriage to Mrs. Fitzhenbert was a flagrant viola-
tion. It will be well, therefore, to review briefly
the provisions of that Act, and the causes which
led to its passing into law. We will then pass to
other considerations which affected this marriage
in its civil and religious aspect.
The Royal Marriage Act owed its origin to the
clandestine marriages of George III.'s two brothers,
the Duke of Gloucester and the Duke of Cumber-
land, to English subjects without the consent of
the King.
The first of these marriages, though it was not
declared until later than the second, was that of
the Duke of Gloucester z to the Dowager Countess
Waldegrave, who by birth was the illegitimate
daughter of Sir Edward Walpole (eldest son of
the great Minister, and brother of Horace Walpole)
by Mary Clement, a milliner's apprentice. Lady
1 This chapter is an interpolation dealing with the legality and
validity of the marriage, and does not affect the narrative. The word
" validity " is used in reference to the Canon Law, and " legality "
in connection with the Civil Law.
8 William Henry, first Duke of Gloucester, third son of Frederick,
Prince of Wales (1743-1805).
106
VALIDITY OF THE MARRIAGE 107
Waldegrave was the second of the three beautiful
daughters born of this connection, Laura, Maria,
and Charlotte. Their paternity was fully acknow-
ledged by their father, who gave them his name, and
intended to have married the mother, but was pre-
vented by her early death. His daughters grew up
under his immediate care, and he gave them every
advantage of wealth and education. They were
received everywhere, except at Court, and all three
made good marriages. Laura married the Rev. the
Hon. Frederick Keppel, brother of the Earl of
Albemarle, who subsequently became Bishop of
Exeter; Maria, James, Earl Waldegrave; and
Charlotte, Lord Huntingtower, afterwards Earl of
Dysart. Lord Waldegrave, who was old enough
to be Maria's father, died a few years after the
marriage, leaving his widow with three daughters ; 1
they had no son. Lady Waldegrave was rich and
beautiful, highly accomplished, very dignified, and
most correct in her conduct and principles. Many
admirers were at her feet, but she rejected them all,
and to the astonishment of her friends engaged in
a dalliance with the unattractive Duke of Gloucester.
The Duke fell in love with the young widow when
he was only nineteen, and despite all obstacles
and remonstrances persisted in his suit for two
or three years.
1 The Waldegrave sisters were famous for their beauty. The
eldest, Elizabeth Laura, married her first cousin, George, Earl
Waldegrave. The second, Charlotte Maria, married the Earl of
Euston, afterwards Duke of Grafton. The third, Anne Horatia,
married Admiral Lord Hugh Seymour, by whom she had a large
family. The youngest of her children, Mary Seymour, was after-
wards adopted by Mrs. Fitzherbert. Of this we shall have occasion
to speak later.
io8 MRS. FITZHERBERT
At last Lady Waldegrave yielded to the impor-
tunities of her royal lover, and they were secretly
married, without witnesses, in the drawing-room of
Lady Waldegrave's town house,' by her domestic
chaplain, on September 6, 1 766. The marriage was
not declared ; they did not live in the same house,
and to outward semblance things went on much as
before, though the lady's liveries and establishment
became semi-royal. The Duke visited her daily,
and attended her everywhere in public, when he
treated her with the most profound respect. Some
said they were married, for it seemed unlikely that
an earl's widow of virtue and pride would become
the mistress of a prince of the blood. Others said
they were not, and they held it impossible, owing to
her illegitimacy, that Lady Waldegrave could ever
be acknowledged as the sister-in-law of the reigning
Sovereign. So matters went on for six years after
the secret marriage, and then, in June 1772, in con-
sequence of the passing of the Royal Marriage Act
(brought about by the marriage of the Duke of
Cumberland), the Duke of Gloucester formally com-
municated the fact of his marriage to the King.
The King, though he had suspected the truth,
was greatly annoyed at its being confirmed. He
deputed the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord
Chancellor, and the Bishop of London to inquire
into the legality of the marriage, as it had taken
place without witnesses. The Duke said that if
there were any doubt cast upon the marriage
he would marry the Duchess again, but the com-
mittee reported that they were satisfied with
its legality. The King therefore acknowledged
THE DUCHESS OF GLOUCESTER
(nt'e WALPOLE)
VALIDITY OF THE MARRIAGE 109
the marriage, but for a long time he refused to be
reconciled to his brother, and spoke of him with
sorrow, and of his wife with bitterness. " I never
can," he writes, "think of placing her in a situation
to answer her extreme pride and vanity."1 Time,
however, the submissive attitude of the Duke, and
the irreproachable conduct of the Duchess, worked
a change. They lived in exile for years, but
when at last they returned to England the King
received them at court, and thereafter showed the
greatest kindness to them, and to their two children,
Prince William Frederick, and the Princess Sophia
of Gloucester.2
The second marriage was that of the King's
youngest brother, the Duke of Cumberland,3 to
Anne, daughter of Lord Irnham (afterwards Earl
of Carhampton), the widow of a Derbyshire squire,
Andrew Horton of Catton. This marriage, though
it took place subsequently to that of the Duke of
Gloucester, was declared first. The Duchess of
Cumberland was very different to the Duchess of
Gloucester. She was well born, young and beauti-
ful, but lacked the Duchess of Gloucester's pride
and high character. She was a born intrigante and
devoted to a life of pleasure. Her appearance and
her friends were what is called "fast," but nothing
1 Brougham's "Statesmen of the Time of George III.," ed. 1858.
2 Prince William Frederick succeeded his father as second Duke
of Gloucester in 1805. He married in 1816 his cousin, Princess Mary,
fourth daughter of George III. There was no issue of this marriage.
The Duke died in 1834, the Duchess in 1857. Princess Sophia
Matilda of Gloucester never married. She was one of the god-
mothers, by proxy, of his present Majesty, King Edward VII.
3 Henry Frederick, Duke of Cumberland (1745-1790), fourth son
of Frederick, Prince of Wales.
no MRS. FITZHERBERT
definite was ever alleged against her virtue. Her
marriage to the Duke of Cumberland took place on
October 2, 1771, at the lady's house in Hertford
Street, Mayfair.1 The marriage was in regular order,
and there was little or no concealment. The newly-
wedded pair went to France for their honeymoon,
and the Duke wrote from Calais and announced his
marriage to the King as though it were a matter of
course. George III. was greatly incensed, not only
at the marriage, but at the manner in which his
brother had thought fit to make it known to him.
He sent an intimation to the foreign ambassadors
and ministers that he would be obliged if they
would abstain from visiting Cumberland House.
The Lord Chamberlain sent out a notice to the
fashionable world, to the effect that all those who
waited on the Duke and Duchess of Cumberland
would no longer be received at Court. This rule
became practically a dead-letter, for though the
King never forgave his brother and never received
the Duchess, he could not prevent people from
visiting them. The Prince of Wales was one of the
greatest offenders in this respect, for he was always
at Cumberland House, and society followed his
lead. The Duke and Duchess of Cumberland
retaliated by setting the King at defiance. They
knew, despite all the Sovereign could say or do,
their marriage was perfectly legal, and their children
(if they had any) came within the line of succession
to the throne.2 The King knew this too, and was
1 The proofs of the marriage, obtained by order of the King in 1773,
are preserved in the Privy Council Office.
2 There was no issue from the marriage.
VALIDITY OF THE MARRIAGE in
determined to prevent such marriages in future.
He took counsel with his Ministers forthwith, and
the result was the Royal Marriage Act of 1772.
The Duke of Cumberland's marriage was thus
the immediate cause of the Royal Marriage Act, but
there were other reasons as well. George III., who
was a despot where his family were concerned, had
long contemplated some such measure. Though
he was the first of our Hanoverian Kings to be
born and bred in England, he had inherited on this
point the narrow views of his German mother, who
ranked the pettiest prince of Germany above the
noblest of England's dukes. It was an article of
faith with her that suitable brides for her sons were
only to be found in Germany. George III. was a
firm believer in this anti-English policy. He was
a conscientious man, and not one who would shrink
from his convictions ; he had himself done violence
to his affections in not marrying the beautiful Lady
Sarah Lennox, whom he loved. True to his theory,
he had sent to Germany for his bride, and there had
come to him Charlotte of Mecklenburg-Strelitz.
Apart from this German bias it must be admitted
that there was much to be said on the King's side.
His brothers, doubtless, might have found suitable
consorts among the daughters of the English nobility,
but such alliances as the clandestine marriages of
the Dukes of Gloucester and Cumberland did not
add to the prestige of the royal house. The King
had a numerous family growing up of sons and
daughters, and it was clearly desirable that he should
have the power to prevent them from contracting
imprudent marriages at an early age. Any father
ii2 MRS. FITZHERBERT
of a family should have such power, how much more
then the King of England. But George III. aimed
at far more than reasonable parental authority. He
wished to be invested with despotic power, and to
be able to forbid the marriages of his sons and
daughters, and of all his relatives (descendants of
George II.), not only until a fixed age but for all
time. This is clearly shown by the message he sent
to Parliament after the Duke of Cumberland's
marriage. He stated that the right of approving
of all marriages in the royal family had ever be-
longed to the King as a matter of public weal, and
he recommended Parliament to remedy the defect
in the laws forthwith.
In consequence of the royal message, on February
17, 1772, a Bill was brought into Parliament to give
the King the authority he desired, entitled "An Act
for the better regulating of the future Marriages of
the Royal Family." The Bill was strongly opposed
in all its stages as despotic and un-English. In the
House of Lords, Lord Rockingham opposed it on
the supposition that the royal family might in time
become so numerous as to include many thousand
individuals — a not unlikely supposition, for Queen
Charlotte had already presented her husband with
many children, and seemed likely to present him
with as many more. Lord Camden deprecated the
power to annul a marriage contracted between
persons who had attained their majority, that is,
twenty-one years. Lord Radnor spoke against the
Bill because it did not guard against what he
considered to be a greater danger — the improper
marriages of Princes on the throne. The King
VALIDITY OF THE MARRIAGE 113
might marry whom he would, but his relatives and
children only whom he pleased. Equally vigorous
was the opposition in the House of Commons.
The Bill was debated with locked doors. Fox
declared that the measure was " big with mischief,
and likely to bring upon the country disorder and
confusion ; he would give it his most determined
opposition in every part and at every stage." The
discussion was continued with great acrimony, and
was protracted until long after midnight, an unusual
thing in those days. At last the Government suc-
ceeded in carrying the second reading.
The Bill was again opposed in the Lords on its
going into Committee. Lord Folkestone made an
able speech against it. He reviewed historically
the claim put forward by the Crown. He alluded
delicately to the recent marriage of the Duke of
Cumberland (the Duke of Gloucester's marriage
had not then been declared), and traced the various
instances in which not only Princes but Kings of
England had married into families other than royal,
not only to their own happiness, but to the benefit
of the nation. He cited Queen Elizabeth and
Queen Anne as two of England's sovereigns who
were children of such marriages as this Bill pro-
posed to condemn. He declared the measure to
be "un-English, arbitrary, opposed to natural law,
and contrary to the law of God." The great Lord
Chatham, who was unable to be present through
illness, wrote a letter, which was read in the course
of debate, strongly condemning the Bill. He de-
scribed it as "new-fangled," and the powers given
to the King as " wanton and tyrannical." The
VOL. I. H
ii4 MRS. FITZHERBERT
most strenuous opposition, however, only succeeded
in effecting some modifications in the Bill. It was
forced through Parliament, and received the Royal
Assent in March 1772. In its final form it ran
as follows : l —
"As His Majesty, from His Paternal Affection
to His Family, and His Royal Concern for the
future Welfare of His People, and the Honour and
Dignity of His Crown, was graciously pleased to
recommend to His Parliament to take into their
serious consideration, Whether it might not be
expedient to supply the Defect of the Laws now
in being ; and by some new Provision, more effectu-
ally to guard the Descendants of George II. (other
than the Issue of Princesses who have married,
or may hereafter marry, into foreign Families)
from marrying without the Approbation of His
Majesty, His Heirs, &c. first obtained: be it
enacted —
"That no Descendant of the Body of His late
Majesty King George II., Male or Female (other
than the Issue of Princesses who have married, or
may hereafter marry, into foreign Families), shall
be capable of contracting Matrimony without the
previous Consent of His Majesty, His Heirs, &c.,
signified under the Great Seal, and declared in
Council (which Consent, to preserve the Memory
thereof, is hereby directed to be set out in the
Licence and Register of Marriage, and to be
entered in the Books of the Privy Council) ; and
that every Marriage or Matrimonial Contract of
1 "An Abstract of an Act for the better regulating the Future
Marriages of the Royal Family." Georgii III., A.D. 1772.
VALIDITY OF THE MARRIAGE 115
any such Descendant, without such Consent first
obtained, shall be void.
" In case such Descendant of George II., being
above the age of 25 Years, shall persist in the
Resolution to contract a Marriage disapproved
of by the King, His Heirs, &c., that then such
Descendant, upon giving Notice to the King's
Privy Council, which Notice is hereby directed
to be entered in the Books thereof, may, at any
Time from the Expiration of Twelve Calendar
Months after such notice given as aforesaid, con-
tract such Marriage ; and such Marriage with the
Person before proposed, and rejected, may be duly
solemnised, without the previous Consent of His
Majesty, or Successors ; and shall be good unless
both Houses of Parliament shall, before the Ex-
piration of the said Twelve Months, expressly
declare their Disapprobation thereof.
" Every person who shall wilfully presume to
solemnise, or to assist, or to be present at the
Celebration of any Marriage with any such De-
scendant, or at his or her making any Matrimonial
Contract, without such Consent as aforesaid first
obtained, except in the case above mentioned, shall,
being duly convicted thereof, suffer the Penalties
ordained by the Statute of Provision and Premunire
made 16 Rich. II."1
The powers of the Sovereign, it will be seen, are
limited in this Act. The age limit is raised from
twenty-one to twenty-five years (no excessive limit),
after that the ultimate appeal is to Parliament. If
Parliament, being duly notified, does not forbid the
1 "Public General Acts." 12 George III.
n6 MRS. FITZHERBERT
marriage in dispute within twelve months, the
King's objection can be over-ruled and the
marriage duly solemnised. On the other hand,
the scope of the Bill includes not only the Sove-
reign's children and those in direct succession to
the throne, but all members of the royal family,
even the most remote, other than the issue of
British princesses who have married into foreign
families. The powers given are therefore very
extensive ; the happiness of many is placed in the
hands of the Sovereign, and it depends chiefly upon
him whether the Act is administered with wisdom
and judgment, or whether it degenerates into an
instrument of tyranny. The position of the Sove-
reign in this matter is a delicate and difficult one.
Some such Act as the Royal Marriage Act is neces-
sary, and it may be further contended in its favour
that, though this one has been in existence for over
a century, it has always been administered with
discretion j1 except, perhaps, in one or two instances
during the reign of George III. It was this lack
of judgment on the part of George III. which
probably caused the Act to recoil upon the domestic
happiness of some of his children, and ultimately
on himself. Into these cases it would serve no
good purpose to enter here.
There is a vulgar error that the Royal Marriage
Act forbids marriages between princes and prin-
cesses of the blood and persons other than royal,
but it does nothing of the kind. The consent of
1 In proof of this contention it may be stated that no appeal to
Parliament against the Sovereign's decision has ever been made by
any prince or princess of the blood royal since the passing of
the Act.
VALIDITY OF THE MARRIAGE 117
the Sovereign is absolutely necessary up to the age
of twenty-five, whether the intended marriage be
with a royal personage or not. And with the Sove-
reign's consent the marriage of a prince or princess
of the blood royal with a subject, even with a com-
moner, would be perfectly legal. The words " even
with a commoner " need some explanation, for there
are many English commoners of royal descent —
descended legitimately from our Plantagenet and
Tudor kings. In England there has never been
(at least until recently) that exaggerated value of
titles, quti titles, which obtains in many European
countries, where almost every one of any position is
possessed of some high-sounding prefix, often signi-
fying little or nothing. In England there are many
commoners of ancient lineage who can point to a
more distinguished descent than many a peer.1
With the consent of the Sovereign the Royal
Marriage Act offers no obstacle to the marriage
of such an one to any member of the royal family,
who, subject to this condition, is free to wed with
any English subject, noble, gentle, or simple.
Still the Act was intensely unpopular ; it was re-
garded as un-English, and the opposition to it lasted
long after it became law. By many it was thought to
be a short-lived measure, one that would be repealed,
or fall into desuetude, on the death of George III.,
and one which even during his lifetime could be
evaded with impunity. . The Prince of Wales openly
said that he would repeal the Act when he came
1 Mrs. Fitzherbert is a case in point. She was better born and
better connected than many a peeress, though the table of precedence
gave her no place.
n8 MRS. FITZHERBERT
to the throne, and as the whole Whig party were
opposed to it, it was thought that even a change of
Government would probably result in modifying its
provisions. It was said that it was contrary to the
common law of England, and would break down
at the first test ; the penalties of premunire were
so vague as to be practically non-existent. It is
possible that if the Royal Marriage Act had been
the only obstacle, the marriage of Mrs. Fitzherbert
to the Prince of Wales would have been acknow-
ledged, and she would have been recognised, not as
Princess of Wales (that, of course, was impossible),
but as the wife of her husband.
There existed a far more serious difficulty. The
fact that she was a Roman Catholic constituted an
almost insuperable obstacle to the avowal of the
marriage. According to Section IX. of the Act of
1689 — " An Act for declaring the rights and liberties
of the subject and settling the succession of the
Crown" — the Prince's marriage to a Roman Catholic
(if regular) would have endangered his succession
to the throne. The clause is sufficiently explicit :
"And whereas it hath been found by experience
that it is inconsistent with the safety and welfare
of this Protestant Kingdom to be governed by a
Popish Prince, or any King or Queen marrying a
Papist, the said Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and
Commons, do further pray that it may be enacted,
that all and every person and persons that is, are, or
shall be reconciled to, or shall hold communion with,
the See or Church of Rome, or shall profess the
Popish religion, or shall marry a Papist, shall be
excluded and be for ever incapable to inherit,
VALIDITY OF THE MARRIAGE 119
possess, or enjoy the Crown and Government of this
realm, and Ireland, and the dominions thereunto
belonging, or any part of the same, or to have, use,
or exercise any regal power, authority, or jurisdiction
within the same ; and in all and every such case or
cases the people of these realms shall be and are
hereby absolved of their allegiance ; and the said
Crown and Government shall from time to time
descend to, and be enjoyed by, such person or
persons, being Protestants, as should have inherited
and enjoyed the same in case the said person or
persons so reconciled, holding communion, or pro-
fessing, or marrying aforesaid, were naturally dead."
Now Mrs. Fitzherbert was a Roman Catholic
born and bred, and one who openly professed the
principles of her religion. Therefore at first sight it
would seem that the Prince of Wales, in marrying
her, had, by violating the clause of the Act which
placed his family on the throne, forfeited his right
to inherit the Crown as though, in the words of the
Act, he were "naturally dead," and the succession
would pass to his next brother Frederick, Duke of
York. The fact that the marriage was performed
by a clergyman of the Established Church accord-
ing to the rites of the Church of England made no
difference, for Mrs. Fitzherbert did not abjure her
religion thereby. But, argued the Prince's friends
(and doubtless the Prince himself), the Prince did
not and could not legally marry Mrs. Fitzherbert
because of the operation of the Royal Marriage
Act of 1772, which declared such marriages to be
null and void in law. That these apologists were
not sure of their ground is shown by the great care
120 MRS. FITZHERBERT
which was taken to keep the marriage secret at the
time ; and when, later, some part of the truth leaked
out, they felt bound to deny not only the marriage,
but that any form or ceremony had taken place at
all. It is a nice point of law how far the sub-
sequent Royal Marriage Act affected this clause
in the Act of Settlement, and it is one on which
great constitutional lawyers differ. According to Sir
Arthur Pigott the marriage was irregular but valid,
and being a marriage between the heir-apparent
and a Roman Catholic, operated by the provisions
of the Act of Settlement to a total defeasance of
the Crown.
Lord Brougham also, who had considered the
subject well, was of the opinion that the plea
put forward by the friends of the Prince of Wales,
that the marriage was illegal, and therefore the
Act of Settlement was not violated, could not
be maintained. He says, "It was in discussing
this question ever contended, that the marriage
being illegal, as having been contracted without
the royal assent, which the Royal Marriage Act
requires, there could be no forfeiture, the ceremony
being a mere nullity ; but all lawyers agree in
that acts of various kinds, both by the laws of Eng-
land and Scotland, are followed by forfeiture of the
party's rights who commits the acts as if he were
naturally dead, and by the succession of the King's
heir, the forfeiture being denounced in order to deter
from even the attempt to do the thing forbidden,
how ineffectual soever that thing might be in itself
for any purpose save the incurring the penalty.
Indeed the case of bigamy is precisely of this
THE DUCHESS OF CUMBERLAND
(nt'e LUTTRELL)
(After the Painting by GEORGE COSWAY, R.A.)
VALIDITY OF THE MARRIAGE 121
description ; the second wife has no rights whatever,
her marriage is a nullity ; but she and her pretended
husband incur the penalty of felony."1
On the other hand, as Brougham himself shows,
the Act of Settlement, which fixes the penalty of
the Crown's forfeiture on any member of the royal
family who marries a Roman Catholic, is framed,
like most Acts of Parliament, in a careless and
clumsy manner. He says : " No means of carrying
it into effect are provided, no declaration of the
powers by whom the fact is to be ascertained is
made, by what authority the subject is to be
absolved from his allegiance, and that allegiance
transferred from one to another. It is probable
that if the circumstance occurred the two Houses of
Parliament would from the necessity of the case be
required to interpose, as in the two precedents of
1788 and 1811 of the Regency arising from the ill-
ness of George III. ; but the statute is altogether
silent, and the whole enactment assumed the form
of a menace or denunciation. Nevertheless its
meaning is clear ; the intention is to prevent a
Roman Catholic marriage, and to forfeit all rank
and title whatever of any King or heir to the
throne contracting such a marriage." 2
But it is idle to speculate what would have
happened if the fact that the Prince of Wales had
gone through the marriage ceremony with a Roman
Catholic had been publicly proclaimed, for when
the question arose later the marriage was formally
denied in Parliament on two occasions in the
most uncompromising terms. Otherwise Parliament
1 Lord Brougham's Memoirs. '2 Brougham, op, cit.
122 MRS. F1TZHERBERT
would probably have been forced to intervene, but
the necessity of any action being taken would have
had to be made very clear, and what the result of
such action might have been it is impossible to say.
Something would depend upon the attitude of the
next heir to the Crown ; and if he were hostile,
or covetous of power, he could do much to make
the position of the elder brother exceedingly
uncomfortable. But no such danger was to be
apprehended from the Duke of York. He was
devoted to the Prince of Wales (and in after
years also to Mrs. Fitzherbert), and he always
declared that he would never do anything to em-
barrass his brother, and to this principle he loyally
adhered throughout his life. The real danger, if
the truth ever became known, lay in the extreme
Protestant party in England and Scotland (what
in our day would be called the "Nonconformist
Conscience ") raising an outcry. The days of the
Gordon Riots were then but as yesterday. More-
over, Prince Charles Edward was still alive in
exile, and excluded from inheriting the throne
of his ancestors by the very Act which the
Prince of Wales had apparently violated by
going through the form of marriage with a Roman
Catholic.
So much for the legal point of view. I f we consider
the matter from the civil aspect alone, it is evident
that the marriage was null and void in law, and not
only the contracting parties, but the clergyman who
performed the ceremony, and the witnesses who
were privy to it, committed an illegal act in direct
disobedience of the Royal Marriage Act. The
VALIDITY OF THE MARRIAGE 123
Prince of Wales, moreover, in the spirit if not in
the letter, violated the Act of Settlement.
But the marriage of any man and woman, how-
ever highly placed, or however humble, is not in
the eyes of professing Christians a matter of civil
contract alone. Both the Prince of Wales and
Mrs. Fitzherbert were professing Christians beyond
all doubt, the one a member of the Church of Eng-
land, the other a member of the Church of Rome.
The religious aspect of the case therefore forces
itself into the controversy, whether we will or no,
and the question arises : How far were these two
bound by the solemn vows which they made before
God?
With Mrs. Fitzherbert the answer admits of no
doubt ; with her marriage was a sacrament, and the
vows which she took were binding on her so long
as she lived. The illegality of the ceremony did not
affect its validity with her. The legal point was not
one on which she could be expected to feel strongly,
for the whole practice of her religion was illegal at
that period ; the celebration of the Mass was illegal,
but the Sacrament was not therefore invalid. But
it may be objected that the ceremony was performed
by a clergyman of the Church of England, according
to the rites of that Church, and the Church of Rome
does not recognise the validity of Anglican orders,
though she had not at that time condemned them.
The answer is that it makes no difference.
To quote Mr. Langdale, a leading Roman
Catholic layman, and a cousin of Mrs. Fitzher-
bert, " The presence of a Catholic priest would
not, in any way, have added to the validity of the
I24 MRS. FITZHERBERT
marriage in the eyes of the Catholic Church ; and,
therefore, it is fair to conclude, would not have been
added to them (the Anglican forms) in those (i.e.
the case) of Mrs. Fitzherbert, a well-educated
Catholic, especially likely to be well informed on the
way of conducting the marriage ceremony, so as to
fulfil the forms and conditions required by her own
Church."1
What these conditions are is clearly stated in an
article in the Dublin Review on the subject of this
marriage.2 The Dublin .Review has always been
regarded as a leading organ of educated Roman
Catholics.
" The doctrine of the Catholic Church regarding
marriage is plain and simple. She teaches that the
marriage contract itself, which is perfected by the
words, ' I take thee for my wife ' on the part of the
man, and ' I take thee for my husband ' on the part
of the woman, or by any other words, or signs, by
which the contracting parties manifest their in-
tention of taking each other for man and wife, is
a sacrament.
1 Langdale, op. cit.
2 The Dublin Review, October 1854. Lord Holland's " Memoirs "
were published in 1854, and had the effect of raising anew the question
of the marriage, and of leading Mr. Langdale to write his " Memoir
of Mrs. Fitzherbert."
The article (from which the above quotation is taken) was written
by a canonist of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, shortly after
the publication of Lord Holland's " Memoirs of the Whig Party,"
wherein doubts were cast upon Mrs. Fitzherbert's good faith in the
matter of her marriage with the Prince of Wales because she did
not insist on the ceremony being performed by a Roman Catholic
priest. Mr. Langdale quotes it in his " Memoir," and considers it
to be convincing. As, however, it was written some time ago, I
submitted it to the Rev. M. Gavin, S.J., who very kindly read it
and gave me his opinion. This opinion is incorporated in the
footnotes to the quotation.
VALIDITY OF THE MARRIAGE 125
" Protestants are apt to fall into a mistake, that it
is the priest who administers the sacrament to the
wedded pair. He does no such thing. As far as
the validity of the contract and of the sacrament is
concerned, even when the contracting parties are
both Catholics, the priest need not utter a word.
His presence is only necessary as a witness to the
contract between the parties.1
" Up to the time of the Council of Trent the pre-
sence of a priest was not necessary for the validity
of either the contract or the sacrament,2 nor was it
by any means to confer the sacrament that the
Council enacted a law requiring his presence. The
law was made in consequence of the abuses which
arose from clandestine marriages ; because an im-
moral person who had married without witnesses,
could afterwards deny the existence of the contract,
and wed another publicly, and in the face of the
Church. To prevent these abuses the Council of
Trent enacted that the parish priest of one of the
contracting parties, or some other priest deputed by
him, and two other witnesses, should for the future
(in posterum) be present (praesento parochd) at the
marriage contract. The presence of the two other
witnesses is required exactly in the same way as
that of the parish priest. The law is simply that
1 " This is not quite correct. The presence of the priest is required
for the lawfulness of the contract, and his presence is required for the
validity of the contract in those countries at the present day where
the Decree of the Council of Trent has been promulgated. It has
not been promulgated in England." (Note by Father Gavin.)
2 " The writer here seems to consider the contract and the sacrament
distinct. But whenever between baptized persons the contract is -valid
there ipso facto the sacrament is administered." (Note by Father
Gavin.)
126 MRS. FITZHERBERT
the marriage should be contracted in the presence
of three witnesses, one of whom should necessarily
be the parish priest. Nor was this law made at
once obligatory even on Catholics. By the ordi-
nance of the Council it is not to have effect in any
parish until thirty days after it had been published
there. This allowed a large discretion to each
Bishop with regard to the time of its publication in
his diocese, and in fact, it is not long since it has
been introduced into England.1 But it does not
and never did apply to any marriage in those
countries where one of the parties is not a Catholic.
Neither in such marriages which are called mixed,
nor in those contracted between parties neither of
which belong to the Catholic Church, is the presence
of any priest required for the validity of either the
contract or the sacrament. It is not even necessary
that the contracting parties should know that
marriage is a sacrament. The sacrament exists
wherever Christians marry as Christ intended. If
they be properly disposed they will receive grace
to live happily together, and to bring up their
children in the fear and love of God.
" Mrs. Fitzherbert's marriage was therefore
perfectly valid both as a contract and as a
sacrament in the eyes of the whole Catholic
1 "The writer is incorrect in saying the Decree of the Council has been
introduced into England. At this moment two Catholics may contract
a valid marriage before the registrar without the presence of a priest,
but such Catholics sin grievously by so doing.
" In Ireland or France two Catholics cannot contract marriage validly
except in the presence of the parish priest or his deputy. A Catholic
and a Protestant with a domicile in Ireland may contract marriage
validly without the presence of a priest. Could they in France ? The
answer is disputed." (Note by Father Gavin.)
VALIDITY OF THE MARRIAGE 127
Church,1 and to imagine that she alone of all those
who professed the same faith should look upon it
as invalid is monstrously absurd. Neither the Pope
nor the whole Church could have annulled it, nor
allowed her to marry another." 2
To Roman Catholics the question was lifted
beyond the pale of controversy in 1800. Before
that time the Prince of Wales had left Mrs.
Fitzherbert and married the Princess Caroline of
Brunswick. In turn he had separated from her,
and desired to return to Mrs. Fitzherbert ; but
before she would receive him again she appealed
to Rome. The case was laid before the highest
authorities of her Church by her director, the Rev.
William Nassau, one of the priests of the church in
Warwick Street, who made a journey to Rome for
that purpose. After exhaustive inquiry into the
whole circumstances of the marriage, the decision
was given in Mrs. Fitzherbert's favour. According
to the law of the Roman Catholic Church, though
not according to the law of England, she was de-
clared to be the wife of the Prince of Wales. In
the judgment of the Court of Rome she occupied
much the same position towards the Prince of
Wales as Catherine of Arragon occupied towards
Henry VIII., after he had put her away and married
Anne Boleyn — a judgment which would be re-
pudiated by the great bulk of the English people,
1 " This is correct. The writer's inaccuracies do not affect the main
issue. Mrs. Fitzherbert's marriage to George IV., being without
canonical impediment, was undoubtedly a valid marriage according
to Catholic teaching." (Note by Father Gavin.)
2 This extract from the article in the Dublin Review is quoted in
Langdale's " Memoir of Mrs. Fitzherbert.''
128 MRS. FITZHERBERT
who strongly object to " any foreign jurisdicture,"
and stoutly maintain that " The Bishop of Rome
hath no jurisdiction in this realm of England."'
This decision was obtained for the personal satis-
faction of Mrs. Fitzherbert, and was kept private.
But to Roman Catholics it was all sufficient. " Roma
locuta est, causa finita est"
There remains the Anglican view of the validity of
the marriage, i.e., of the ecclesiastical law of England
as against the civil. This is more conflicting ; but
since the Prince of Wales was a member of the
Church of England, it has to be considered. Ac-
cording to the Erastian view, the Church of England
is subject to the State, and not only as regards
her temporalities, but in questions of doctrine and
discipline, faith and morals, she is dominated by the
civil power. Parliament therefore has the right not
only to arrange the marriage laws (a power, be it
noted, which is claimed by the legislative bodies in
other civilised states), but to force its decision upon
the Church, which is bound to accept whatever
regulation of the marriage law Parliament may
enact. In the case of the Royal Marriage Act,
it was an Act brought forward at the instance of
the Sovereign, who is the temporal head of the
Church, and it passed through Parliament with
the consent of the Lords Spiritual, none of whom
1 The Book of Common Prayer, Article XXXVII. : Of the Civil
Magistrates. Even more strongly was this expressed in the oath of
allegiance in the " Bill of Rights." "And I do declare that no foreign
prince, person, prelate, state or potentate hath, or ought to have, any
jurisdiction, power, superiority, pre-eminence, or authority, eccle-
siastical or civil, within this realm. So help me God ! "
VALIDITY OF THE MARRIAGE 129
protested against it. It is contended, therefore,
that so long as the Church is united to the State,
the Royal Marriage Act is binding on the Church
of England.
But it is submitted, on the other hand, by many
who are amongst the most learned and loyal
members of the Church of England, that neither
the Sovereign nor Parliament nas any right to
force upon the Church any law affecting the doc-
trine and discipline of the Church without her
consent. They argue that, according to the Refor-
mation settlement, no change can be made in the
Church's formularies without the consent of the
Sovereign, the two houses of Convocation repre-
senting the Bishops and the clergy, and Parliament
representing the laity.1 The marriage law of the
Church of England remained virtually the same
before and after the Reformation, and was settled
on the general lines which prevail in the Western
Church.2
After the accession of George I. the Erastian
view gained the upper hand, and in 1717 Con-
1 In those days the operation of the Test Acts made it impossible
for any but members of the Church of England to have seats in
Parliament. Parliament, therefore, may be said to have represented
the laity of the Church of England ; but in these days, when it is open
to Jews, and others not professing Christianity, such a contention is
absurd. On the other hand, the power of Convocation to enact fresh
canons without the King's licence was expressly taken away by a
statute of Henry VIII.
2 One of the leading laymen in the Church of England, a recog-
nised authority on matters ecclesiastical, writes to me concerning
this marriage : " I feel sure that its "validity cannot be disputed ;
the Roman view and the Anglican would be identical on such a
subject."
VOL. I. I
130 MRS. FITZHERBERT
vocation was prorogued by the Government sine
diey for protesting against the appointment of
a free - thinking Bishop.1 The clergy had no
longer any means of making their voices heard,
except through the Bishops in the House of
Lords, who were appointed by the State. When
the Royal Marriage Act was passed in 1772
Convocation was not consulted, for the simple
reason that it did not exist. Therefore, argued
certain canonists, the Act was a breach of the
Reformation settlement between Church and State,
and an unwarrantable intrusion of the temporal
power into the sphere of the spiritual. Parliament
was of course able to make any laws it pleased, but
it could not force those laws upon the Church of
England without her consent, and in this instance
no opportunity was given to the clergy either to
approve or disapprove of this tampering with the
marriage laws. The Royal Marriage Act was
therefore not binding on the conscience of the
clergy.2 The canon law remained unaltered, and
there was no canonical impediment, therefore the
clergyman who performed the marriage between
the Prince of Wales and Mrs. Fitzherbert was
within his right, and the marriage was valid accord-
ing to the authorised doctrine of the Church of
1 Hoadly, who had been appointed Bishop of Bangor — the cele-
brated Bangorian controversy. Convocation was not permitted to sit
again until the middle of the reign of Queen Victoria — in 1852.
2 Another conflict between the civil law and ecclesiastical may be
found in the re-marriage of divorced persons. No clergyman can be
forced to marry them, for the canon law of the Church forbids such
marriages, treating them as invalid. Yet they are perfectly legal.
VALIDITY OF THE MARRIAGE 131
England. This argument in any case does not
affect the legality or illegality of the marriage, but it
serves to add to the difficulty of a question already
sufficiently complicated.
The conclusion of the whole matter seems to be
this. According to the civil law of England the
ceremony was illegal and the marriage was null
and void. According to the canon law of the
Roman Catholic Church, and also of the Church
of England, it was valid.
CHAPTER VIII
PERILOUS HONOURS
(1785—1786)
THERE is a tradition that the Prince of Wales and
Mrs. Fitzherbert passed their honeymoon at her
villa at Richmond. The legend also says that
immediately after the ceremony they set out from
Park Street for Richmond, and the road (for it was
winter) was so blocked with snow as to be almost
impassable. The horses broke down, and they had
to sup at an inn at Hammersmith before proceed-
ing to their destination. The honeymoon was but
a brief one, for they were back in London by
Christmas.
The air was thick with rumour. "The lie of the
day," writes Robert Hobart to the Duke of Rut-
land, on December 24, 1785 (after the marriage),
" is that the Prince of Wales is to marry Mrs. Fitz-
herbert, but, I believe, totally without foundation."1
Again he writes on December 27, "The town still
talk of the Prince of Wales's marriage. He has
taken a box for Mrs. Fitzherbert at the Opera, and
constantly passes the greater part of the night with
her. I do not hear of Prince Carnaby's being yet
1 Rutland Papers, Hist. MSS. Comm. I4th Report, Appendix,
Part I.
132
PERILOUS HONOURS 133
arrived in town.1 Watt Smith2 appears already
much elated with the honour that is intended, or
rather the dishonour which has already attended, his
family. His Royal Highness's new establishment
is not yet named, but no doubt the Marchioness of
Buckingham 3 will be first lady of the bedchamber,
and her aunt, Peg Nugent, necessary woman. If
pride, arrogance, and self-sufficiency be qualities
for a Popish Minister, the noble Marquis himself,
by embracing that religion which he appeared to
encourage in his wife, may be at the head of the
Papistical Court." 4 Sir Gilbert Elliot writes to his
wife (December 1785): "She (Lady Palmerston)
says the report is that Mrs. Fitzherbert is, or is to
be, at Carlton House ; that she was married by a
Roman Catholic priest, is to have ^6000 a year,
and is to be created a duchess." 5
Of course that arch-gossip, Horace Walpole, soon
made the marriage the subject of his letters. He
writes to Sir Horace Mann, February 13, 1786:
" I am obliged to you for your account of the
House of Albany (the royal house of Stuart), but
that extinguishing Family can make no sensation
here, when we have other guess-work to talk of in
a higher and more flourishing race ; and yet were
rumour — aye, and much more than rumour, every
voice in England — to be credited, the matter [Mrs.
1 Sir Carnaby Haggerston, Bart., Mrs. Fitzherbert's brother-in-law,
who lived at Grantham, not far from Belvoir.
2 Mrs. Fitzherbert's eldest brother.
3 The Marquess of Buckingham was (1782-83) Lord Lieutenant of
Ireland ; the Marchioness was suspected of leanings to Popery.
4 Rutland Papers, op. cit.
5 " Life and Letters of Sir Gilbert Elliot, first Earl of Minto," 1874.
Lady Palmerston was mother of the great Lord Palmerston.
134 MRS. FITZHERBERT
Fitzherbert's marriage], somehow or other, reaches
even from London to Rome. I know nothing but
the buzz of the day, nor can say more upon it. If
I send you a riddle, fame or echo from so many
voices will soon reach you, and explain the enigma ;
though I hope it is essentially void of truth, and
that appearances arise from a much more common
cause." 1
It was not long before the gossip of the town
reached the ears of the King and Queen. The
relations between the Prince and his parents were
still strained. The King habitually spoke of him
with bitterness ; but Queen Charlotte, though she
made common cause with the King, and seemed
to approve of his harsh treatment of the Prince,
was in her peculiar way devoted to her first-born
son, for whom she cared more than for all her
other children. She was keenly interested in his
every movement, and there were plenty of people
in high places who were willing to gratify her
maternal curiosity. The King and Queen had often
discussed the Prince's infatuation for Mrs. Fitz-
herbert. The Queen had found out all about her
character and antecedents. This was not difficult,
for she came of a well-known family, and Queen
Charlotte had received her at court after her
marriage to Mr. Fitzherbert. Presentation at
court in those days was more limited than now,
and the Roman Catholics who attended were com-
paratively few. The King and Queen were also
well acquainted with the Weld family, more especi-
ally with Mr. Thomas Weld (Mrs. Fitzherbert's
1 " Horace Walpole's Letters," ed. 1859, vol. ix.
PERILOUS HONOURS 135
brother-in-law), and visited him at Lulworth. The
Queen knew her eldest son's character too well to
take him seriously, and his extravagance of passion
for Mrs. Fitzherbert had at first afforded her cynical
amusement, while the King made it a subject for
taunting the Prince. They never imagined that
the folly would lead to marriage ; besides, they
knew such a marriage would be illegal, and there-
fore, from their point of view, impossible. The
King deplored his son's infatuation, but the news
of Mrs. Fitzherbert's return to England could not
have made him very anxious. Both he and the
Queen probably thought (if they thought about the
matter at all) that the lady had surrendered at dis-
cretion. But presently the rumour came that the
Prince of Wales had actually gone through a cere-
mony of marriage with this Roman Catholic lady.
They knew not what to think, for the rumour was
so persistent, so circumstantial, that it could not be
ignored. If true, they regarded it as the crowning
act of folly and filial disobedience.
The court was at Windsor for Christmas ; the
King had not seen his son for months, and
would not see him ; but Queen Charlotte is said
to have sent for the Prince of Wales as soon
as the news reached her ears, and demanded to
know the truth. It is very unlikely that the Prince
told her the truth. The interview which took
place between mother and son (if it took place
at all) must have been in private, and the cate-
gorical account of the conversation between them
given by one writer must be dismissed as imagi-
nary. The Prince, we are told, not only avowed
136 MRS. FITZHERBERT
his marriage (which, of course, the Queen would
not admit to be a marriage at all), but swore that
no power on earth should separate him from his
wife. He then addressed the Queen as follows : " I
beg further that my wife be received at court, and
proportionately as your Majesty receives her, and
pays her attention from this time, so shall I render
my attentions to your Majesty. The lady I have
married is worthy of all homage, and my very
confidential friends, with some of my wife's rela-
tions, only witnessed our marriage. Have you
not always taught me to consider myself heir to
the first sovereignty in the world ? Where,
then, will exist any risk of obtaining the ready
concurrence from the House in my marriage?"1
&c. &c. The Prince said a great many foolish
things in his life, but it is certain that he never
said to his mother anything so foolish as this.
He probably equivocated with her, as it was his
habit with every one when asked a direct ques-
tion. It is still more unlikely that the Queen
was softened by such reasoning ; she would have
become harder than ever. The further statement
of Dr. Doran (who quotes the conversation), " that
it is certain that her Majesty received Mrs. Fitz-
herbert at a drawing-room in the following year with
very marked courtesy," is incorrect. The printed
lists of Queen Charlotte's drawing-rooms contain no
mention of Mrs. Fitzherbert's name after she went
through the ceremony of marriage with the Prince
of Wales. On the contrary, the fact that she did
not go to court occasioned comment, both in society
1 Doran's " Lives of the Queens of England."
PERILOUS HONOURS 137
and in the press. The following paragraph was
given special prominence in the Morning Post a
year or two later : " A QUESTION. What is the
reason that Mrs. Fitzherbert, who is a lady of
fortune and fashion, never appears at court? She
is visited by some ladies of high rank, has been in
public with them, and yet never goes to the Draw-
ing-rooms at St. James's. This question is sent
for publication by a Person who pays no regard to
idle reports, but who wishes to have the mystery
cleared up." l
But though this conversation may be dismissed
as spurious, and the Prince's avowal of his marriage
also, there is little doubt that an interview took
place between the Queen and the Prince, on the
subject of Mrs. Fitzherbert ; and enough passed to
convince the Queen that this was no common amour.
The Queen was greatly annoyed that her son
should entangle himself, and in the first flush of
her displeasure she could not help regarding Mrs.
Fitzherbert with strong disfavour. But with char-
acteristic common-sense, the Queen, seeing that
nothing could be done, resolved to make the best
of the situation. She knew that, whatever had
passed, her son was free, in law, to marry, and she
trusted to time to wear out his infatuation, and to
his well-known character to make him take advan-
tage of his freedom when that time came.
The fact that Mrs. Fitzherbert no longer went to
court made little difference to her social position.
The Duchess of Cumberland was not received at
1 Morning Post, Oct. 10, 1788. Needless to say, this impertinent
question was never answered.
138 MRS. FITZHERBERT
court, but she was openly acknowledged every-
where as the Duchess. Neither was the Duchess
of Gloucester received at court until many years
after her marriage was declared. Mrs. Fitzherbert's
non-attendance at court meant no reflection on
her personal character, but it meant that, like the
Duchess of Cumberland (and, for a time, the Duchess
of Gloucester), she was under the ban of the royal
displeasure. It was the necessary consequence of
the equivocal position in which she had placed her-
self. The dubious attitude adopted towards her by
Queen Charlotte was a sample of what Mrs. Fitz-
herbert found she had to face from the world in
general. She, who had never before suffered the
faintest whisper against her fair name, now found
herself the subject of much scandalous gossip among
her acquaintances, and the butt of the open abuse
of the vulgar. It was part of the price she had to
pay for following the dictates of her heart ; and she
paid it, if not without suffering, at least without a
murmur. No reproaches escaped her lips, no hint
of retaliation, nor any attempt at explanation ; she
shrank from the publicity which was thrust upon
her, but she did not show herself afraid. So far
from courting public notice, she altered her manner
of life as little as possible. She still kept the name
of Fitzherbert, she still used the Fitzherbert liveries,
and she drove about in a very quiet equipage. She
still maintained her separate establishment ; she lived
in her own house at Richmond, and the Prince at
Carlton House. But when she came to London,
residence in Park Street being no longer desirable,
she rented for a time Lord Uxbridge's furnished
PERILOUS HONOURS 139
mansion in St. James's Square. This she did at the
Prince's request, for he wished her to be nearer
to him. He also took for her a box at the Opera,
and in this box he was seen with her almost every
night.
To do the Prince justice, short of openly acknow-
ledging the marriage, he did everything in his
power to secure for Mrs. Fitzherbert respect and
consideration. He caused it to be announced
among all his friends and intimates that honour
paid to Mrs. Fitzherbert was honour paid to
him. He made it a condition that at all private
parties and entertainments which he honoured
with his presence she was to be invited also.
If she were not asked he would not go. He
further insisted that in her case the ordinary
rules of precedence were to be waived, and at all
entertainments she was always to be seated at the
same table as himself; and in public, when the
eyes of all were fixed upon him, he always paid
her the most courtly deference, which the "first
gentleman in Europe" knew well how to assume.
His manner towards her was exactly that with
which a husband would treat an honoured wife,
and manners at that period were much more formal
than they are now. " The Prince," said one who
knew him in those early days, "never forgot to go
through the form of saying to Mrs. Fitzherbert,
with the most respectful bow, ' Madam, may I be
allowed the honour of seeing you home in my
carriage ? ' ' The same writer bears testimony to
the " extreme fascination of his manners." l
1 Lady C. Bury's " Diary illustrative of the Times of George IV."
1 40 MRS. FITZHERBERT
But if the Prince had great influence in the
world of fashion, he was not all powerful. Among
his friends he reigned supreme, and they included
many of the great Whig families. But the Tory
houses were by no means prepared to follow his
lead blindly in social matters. He could not force
people to receive Mrs. Fitzherbert, since he would
not acknowledge her to be his wife. Her position
at first was one of considerable difficulty and em-
barrassment. Even her relatives were for a time
divided against her. Her brothers, it is true,
championed her cause, but their indiscreet advocacy
did more harm than good. The Erringtons stood
by her, and so did the Haggerstons, but the Welds
and Fitzherberts regarded her with doubtful ap-
proval, and the Seftons avoided her. Lady Sefton's
defection was, perhaps, the most serious blow Mrs.
Fitzherbert had to endure from the social point of
view, for she had made her debfit in fashionable
London under her wing ; but in time Lady Sefton
came round. At first the great majority of her
friends knew not what to think. It seemed a thing
impossible that a woman of Mrs. Fitzherbert's char-
acter and position should dishonour herself and
disgrace her family by becoming the mistress of
the Prince of Wales. To those who knew her well
the thing was unthinkable, and yet, how could she
become his wife in the face of recent legislation ?
If some form, or ceremony, of marriage had taken
place, why was it not definitely stated ? The Prince
could not be questioned directly on such a matter,
and his friends met all questions on his behalf
with evasions or denials. Mrs. Fitzherbert had no
PERILOUS HONOURS 141
answer but silence. She had done nothing against
her conscience, she maintained, and the rest must
take its chance. But it was noticed that she still
openly practised her religion. She was visited by
her spiritual director, and continued to attend
Mass at the Warwick Street Chapel. This, her
Roman Catholic friends argued, would have been
impossible unless her confessor were satisfied that
she was not living in sin ; and though many of
them could not approve of the step she had taken,
which they regarded as dangerous and unwise,
they were satisfied that she was really married to
the Prince according to the requirements of their
Church. Having satisfied themselves on this point,
they silently supported her by their social influence,
which in many cases was considerable. The view
generally taken of Mrs. Fitzherbert's conduct by
those of her religion is well put by Lady Jerning-
ham, who, writing to her daughter, Lady Beding-
field, March 6, 1786, says: "Mrs. Fitzherbert is
generally believed to have been married to the
Prince, but it is a very hazardous proceeding,
as there are 'two Acts of Parliament against the
validity of such an alliance, concerning her being a
subject and her being a Catholick. God knows
how it will turn out — it may be to the glory of
our Belief, or it may be to the great dismay and
destruction of it."1
The support given to Mrs. Fitzherbert at this
juncture did not come only from the old Roman
Catholic families. The Duchess of Devonshire
frequently appeared in public with her, and she was
1 " The Jerningham Letters," op. tit.
i42 MRS. FITZHERBERT
a constant and honoured guest at Devonshire
House. The Duchess of Devonshire's example
was followed by nearly all the great Whig ladies,
though here and there one, like the Duchess of
Portland, at first held aloof. They called upon her,
invited her to their parties, and treated her with
every courtesy.
Another good friend of Mrs. Fitzherbert's was
Lady Clermont, who held a great position in the
society of that day. Lady Clermont was a woman
of advanced age, who had maintained a stainless
reputation throughout her long life. She was a
great friend of Marie Antoinette, as well as of
Queen Charlotte, and was a welcome guest both
at Versailles and St. James's. Lord and Lady Cler-
mont were aristocrats of the old school, courtly and
dignified in their manners, and with a high sense
of noblesse oblige. At their house in Berkeley
Square they entertained with stately hospitality.
They had the best chef 'and wines in London, and
invitations to the Clermonts' dinners and assemblies
were eagerly sought. The Prince of Wales often
dined with them, and so did Mrs. Fitzherbert.
Lady Clermont held her in high esteem, and always
supported her. Mrs. Fitzherbert's goodness, her
dignity, and her reserve all appealed to this grande
dame of a generation fast passing away. She was
entirely on her side, and bold were they who pre-
sumed to question where Lady Clermont approved.
On the Tory side was the Marchioness of Salis-
bury, who prided herself on taking a line of her own.
Lady Salisbury was a great lady of a very different
type to the Duchess of Devonshire. It was well
MRS. FITZHERBERT
{From the Painting by JOHN RUSSELL, R.A. , at Swynnerton, by permission of
BASIL FIT/.HERBEKT, Esq.)
PERILOUS HONOURS 143
said " that while the Duchess of Devonshire never
seemed to be conscious of her rank, Lady Salisbury
ceased not for an instant to remember hers, or to
compel others to remember it also." She was a
woman of great ability, a clever conversationalist,
but dictatorial and obstinate. She had known Mrs.
Fitzherbert before her connection with the Prince of
Wales, and as she was convinced that she would do
nothing wrong, she continued to welcome her to her
house. Lady Salisbury had parties on Sunday
evening, and she would not give them up, though
appealed to by the Bishop of London. All her
habits were conservative, and she retained her sedan
chair, and running footmen with blue-and-silver
liveries, long after these things had been generally
given up.1
Mrs. Fitzherbert was tacitly accorded a position
sui generis, and supported by her friends she soon
succeeded in living down the greater part of the
opposition against her. That she did so was also due
to her tact, her amiability, her unassuming manners,
her kindness of heart, and the straightforwardness of
her character. The young Prince at this time loved
her with a love that was almost adoration. His
"white rose" he called her, partly because of her
Jacobite ancestry, partly because of her pale fair
loveliness, but chiefly because of her innate purity ;
and white roses were always her favourite flower.
In the world it was noted in Mrs. Fitzherbert's
favour that the Prince had greatly improved.
The change for the better in his habits and conver-
1 Lady Salisbury was the daughter of the first Marquis of Down-
shire, and married in 1773 James, first Marquis of Salisbury.
144 MRS. FITZHERBERT
p
sation was marked, and could only be ascribed
to the influence of a good woman. The young
Prince, in spite of his wildness and folly, had in-
grained in him a strong love of domesticity, which
he had inherited perhaps from his German ancestors.
In his youth his home had been unhappy, and his
parents unsympathetic ; then he was thrown upon
the town without any home-life at all. But this
beautiful and gracious woman, with her purity of pur-
pose and unobtrusive goodness, made a home for him
such as he had never known before. Though the
Prince of Wales's public life belonged to the nation,
his home life was his own. He had the right to
ask that it should be kept sacred, and none should
grudge him the quiet hours he spent under the
roof of the woman he loved, and who believed
herself bound to him by the holiest ties. Here,
at least, they might have found sanctuary. Mrs.
Fitzherbert usurped no one's place, interfered with
no one, and put forward no pretensions. The
Prince made no claim on her behalf, either from
Parliament or from the nation. All that they asked
at this time was to be left alone, to enjoy their
happiness in their own way. But the fierce curiosity
of the world, which is always meddling in the private
affairs of other people, refused to leave them in
peace. Were they married or were they not ? re-
mained the absorbing question. The denials of the
Prince's friends counted for little, for people re-
membered how emphatically the rumour of the mar-
riage between the Duke of Gloucester and Lady
Waldegrave had been denied, and yet it proved to
be true after all. The accounts of Mrs. Fitzherbert's
PERILOUS HONOURS 145
marriage were categorical, and the fact that she was
supported and visited by many ladies of the first
fashion lent the weight of corroborative evidence.
With the public the opinion gained ground that a
marriage had taken place. The Marquis of Lothian
wrote to the Duke of Rutland, March 4, 1786, "You
ask me my opinion respecting the Prince's marriage.
I think it has all the appearance of being true. I
believe, when he has been spoken to about it, he
has been violent, but I cannot find out that he has
denied it peremptorily. He has said to one of the
most intimate in his family [household], when asked
on the subject, that he might answer, if asked the
question, in the negative. But surely a report of
this sort, were it not true, should be publicly con-
tradicted, and I am amazed that some member of
Parliament has not mentioned it in the House.
Most people believe it, and I confess I am one of
the number. Though I dined alone with him, and
you know the general topic of his conversation about
women, he never mentioned her to me amongst
others. I am very sorry for it, for it does him
infinite mischief, particularly amongst the trading
and lower sort of people, and if true must ruin him
in every light, "j
This was the view taken by many of the Prince's
friends, especially by the leaders of the Whig party,
such as the Duke of Portland and Fox, and their
supporters in Parliament. The Prince had identi-
fied himself with the Whigs, a party which derived
the greater part of its support from the middle and
1 Rutland Papers, op. cit.
VOL. I. K
146 MRS. FITZHERBERT
mercantile classes, most of whom were staunch
Protestants and Nonconformists. It needed only
the breath of such a rumour to fan the smouldering
embers of Protestant prejudice into a No-Popery
blaze. It was impossible that the Whig leaders
should seem to connive at the secret marriage of the
heir-apparent with a Roman Catholic, and yet the
Prince was so intimate with them, both in private
and public life, that it was difficult for them to dis-
associate themselves altogether from his follies.
Their political adversaries were not slow to see this,
and began to make capital out of it.
To add to the difficulty of the situation, the Prince
had been so inconsiderate as to contract his alliance
with Mrs. Fitzherbert just at a time when he was
engaged in an acrimonious correspondence with the
King on the subject of his money difficulties. The
King had hitherto refused to pay a penny of the
Prince's debts, and this fresh act of filial dis-
obedience was not likely to loosen his purse-strings.
The Prince wanted money badly. In addition to
the debts arising from his habits of personal extra-
vagance, his building operations at Carlton House,
which he had now resumed, were costing him a great
deal of money, and his secret and imprudent mar-
riage of necessity increased his embarrassments.
Mrs. Fitzherbert, it is true, was free from the re-
proach of avarice. She gave herself to the Prince
without any settlements or money stipulations what-
ever, and she trusted wholly to his honour. She
still enjoyed her jointure from Mr. Fitzherbert,
which had hitherto proved sufficient for her needs ;
and she would have been quite content to make
PERILOUS HONOURS 147
that enough, and not to take a penny from the Prince.
But the Prince insisted on her living in a style more
commensurate with his dignity. She had to set up
an establishment in London, and to entertain him
when he wished. Entertaining the Prince was a
very expensive matter indeed. Mrs. Fitzherbert
lived as quietly and unostentatiously as she could,
but these things necessarily increased her expen-
diture. The Prince was nothing if not generous,
and he would have given her half his income at
this time if it had been in his power. He had
no idea of the value of money, but Mrs. Fitzher-
bert knew too well his embarrassments, and would
not accept from him a penny more than the sum
necessary to meet the extra expenses now entailed
upon her, which she estimated at ^3000 a year.
That sum was accordingly given to her by the
Prince. This, with her jointure of ^2000 a year,
she considered to be sufficient. True, the Prince
made her valuable presents of jewellery and plate
and furniture towards her new establishment. She
tried in vain to check his liberality, though the
money he spent on her was but a drop in the ocean
of his debts.
As the King would do nothing to help, the Prince
at last prevailed upon Fox and Sheridan to bring
the matter before the notice of Parliament. The
time was singularly inopportune, for the report of
his marriage to a Roman Catholic had made the
Prince very unpopular. Fox was one of those who
did not believe that a ceremony had taken place.
Had he not the Prince's letter, of December 1 1, 1 785,
in which he declared that " there never was any
148 MRS. FITZHERBERT •
ground for these reports which have of late been so
malevolently circulated." Sheridan, on the other
hand, was probably one of the few who knew the
truth. But he was devoted to the Prince and also
to Mrs. Fitzherbert, and was quite free from any
excess of scruple. Fox and Sheridan raised the ques-
tion of the Prince of Wales's income early in April
1786, during a debate in the House of Commons on
the Civil List. The facts and arguments that Fox
brought forward seem unanswerable. "It is my
conviction," he said, "that the dignity of the Crown,
and even the national advantage, require that the
Heir- Apparent should be enabled to live, not merely
in ease, but in splendour. Under George I., when
the Civil List amounted only to ,£700,000 a year,
the Prince of Wales (afterwards George II.) had an
allowance of ,£100,000 a year. Yet now, when in
consequence of the suppressions made in the King's
household the Civil List may be fairly estimated at
,£950,000 a year, only .£50,000 are given to the
Prince of Wales. If His Majesty, as is evident by
the demands of this evening (the Civil List showed
a deficit of over ,£200,000, and the King asked
Parliament to make this good), cannot make the
former sum cover his expenses, how can it be ex-
pected that His Royal Highness is to live upon the
last-mentioned income ? "
Fox's arguments produced no effect. Members,
even on the Whig benches, listened in silence.
Only Alderman Newnham, member of Parliament
for the City of London, supported Fox. Pitt,
speaking in the name of the Government, in his
most frigid and contemptuous tones, merely said,
PERILOUS HONOURS 149
"he was not instructed to make any communication
to the House respecting the branches of the Royal
Family : that he should avoid the presumption of
expressing any private opinion on the subject."
Pitt's answer was only to be expected, but the
chilling silence with which Fox's words were greeted
by his supporters in the House brought home to
the Whig leaders, and also to the popularity-loving
Prince, more forcibly than anything else had done,
the damage which the rumour of his secret marriage
was doing him with the nation. The Prince, there-
fore, without doors, became more definite in his
denials.
Thomas Orde writes to the Duke of Rutland, May
1 6, 1786 : " The reports about the Prince of Wales
are full of contradictions. It is certain that many
of the persons said to be present were not there, and
the clergyman who is supposed to have performed
the marriage ceremony (Parson Johnes) had, as
Lord Southampton] assures me, no share in it. The
Prince denies the thing, but has at the same time
dropped hints of her belief in the connection, and
has wished, therefore, that their happiness may not
be interrupted by conjectures and rumours. This,
however, gives reason to imagine that some cere-
mony has passed.
"His Royal Highness was present at the mar-
riage of Lady H — W — with Mr. C — , and after
the ceremony the Duchess of B. unthinkingly turned
to his Royal Highness and said, ' She supposed
this to be the first marriage at which he had been
present.' The Prince assured her Grace with great
energy that it really was the first. The Duchess
150 MRS. FITZHERBERT
hereupon recollected her faux pas, and was con-
founded.1 The conduct of her (Mrs. Fitzherbert's)
friends is very different. Some of them see her
and countenance her, others totally avoid her."2
It may be supposed that the topic was not con-
fined to private letters. The press, then far less re-
strained than now, continued to teem with scarcely
veiled innuendoes and scandalous rumours. Some
journals maintained that "some sort of marriage"
had taken place, others stoutly denied it. Nor did
the caricaturists, those inevitable satirists on the
follies of the day, linger behind. Prints and cartoons
on the subject of the marriage were published in
great number and variety ; they were exposed in
the shop windows, and even sold in the streets, to
the great delight of the vulgar. All, or nearly
all, of them were wide of the facts, and many were
exceedingly scurrilous. It was an age of coarse-
ness, and the license permitted to the caricaturists
was great.
We may dismiss most of these prints to the limbo
of their deserved obscurity, but the cartoons of the
celebrated caricaturist, Gillray,3 on the Fitzherbert
1 Wilkes relates this anecdote in a different manner. " The Bishop
of B. told me that a most respectable lady of his particular friendship
said to him, ' The Prince came in here yesterday, overjoyed, saying, " I
never did better in anything. I behaved incomparably well. I could
not have thought it, as the case was quite new to me." The lady
answered, " Your Royal Highness always behaves well. What was
the case that was quite new to you ?" The Prince replied, " I was at a
marriage, and gave the bride away." The lady said, " Was Your Royal
Highness never at a marriage before?" The Prince answered, lay-
ing his right hand with eagerness upon his breast, " Never, upon my
honour !"'" — Wilkes' " Letters to His Daughter," vol. iii. p. 299.
2 Rutland Papers, op. tit.
1 James Gillray (1757-1815). Gillray was then at the zenith of
his fame, and his caricatures on Mrs. Fitzherbert's marriage, &c.,
PERILOUS HONOURS 151
marriage call for notice, if only because of their
influence on contemporary thought. They were
printed and sold by thousands, and found their
way (one or another) into nearly every important
house in the kingdom ; they formed a never-ending
source of conversation and amusement. It is not
too much to say that Gillray's caricatures did more
than anything else to drag Mrs. Fitzherbert into un-
willing publicity. They also gave credence to the
persistent rumour that a secret marriage had taken
place between her and the Prince of Wales. Not-
withstanding the denials, authorised and un-
authorised, and despite all appearances to the
contrary, this remained a fixed belief in the
popular mind so long as they both lived. There
is no need to describe these cartoons in detail.
One will serve as a specimen of the rest. It is
entitled, " Wife or no Wife, or a Trip to the
Continent" designed by Carlo Khan (Charles Fox).
Burke, in cassock and biretta, as a Jesuit priest,
is conducting the marriage ceremony at the altar.
The Prince of Wales is placing a wedding ring on
Mrs. Fitzherbert's finger. Her headdress is com-
posed of three ostrich feathers, and the ring is of
unusual size (a reference to the popular rumour that
the ring used at the Park Street ceremony was
borrowed for the emergency). Fox is giving away
the bride, an allusion to the Tory fiction that the
Whig leader had planned the marriage in order to
secure a greater influence over the Prince. Sheri-
were mostly issued by Miss Humphrey, 29 St. James's Street, where
he lived. As each new cartoon appeared, her shop window was
surrounded by a curious crowd.
152 MRS. FITZHERBERT
dan and George [Hanger (a boon companion of the
Prince) are witnesses, and Lord North, dressed as
a stage coachman who has acted as driver to the
runaway couple (or as John Bull), is fast asleep in a
corner.
The political animus of this print was obvious.
It was designed to throw the onus of this unpopular
marriage on the shoulders of the Whig leaders, who,
knowing the accusation to be void of truth, resented
it even more strongly than the personages most
concerned. The Prince, when he noticed these
attacks at all, only referred to them in terms of
jocularity, and this also applied to any reference
to the connection between himself and Mrs. Fitz-
herbert in the public press. In this policy of laissez
faire he was advised by Mrs. Fitzherbert, for she
always (except in one absolutely necessary instance)
made it a rule to ignore the attacks upon her, either
public or private, thus exercising a self-control as
wise as it was rare.
CHAPTER IX
CARLTON HOUSE AND BRIGHTON
(1786)
MRS. FITZHERBERT found the brilliant society of
the Prince's circle very different from the quiet
Catholic atmosphere in which she had lived the
greater part of her life. The staid Roman Catholic
families, with their narrow outlook and stately old-
world manners, bore no more resemblance to the
merry, reckless throng at Carl ton House than a nun
bears to a woman of pleasure. The creed of the
Prince of Wales and his friends was one of pure
hedonism — " Carpe diem, Juan, carpe, carpe" was
their motto. Carlton House was a court of plea-
sure pure and simple.
The London season of 1786 was one of unusual
gaiety. The depression which had followed on
the American War had vanished like a mist, except
at St. James's, where the King still unavailingly
lamented the loss of "my American colonies," and
curtailed in consequence his few and dull entertain-
ments. The court having practically abdicated its
functions, society in London looked to the Prince
of Wales to give it a lead, and he responded with
a will, for pleasure was to him the breath of his
nostrils. Always associated with him now was
" the lovely Fitzherbert." Her house in St. James's
153
154 MRS. FITZHERBERT
Square, where she dispensed gracious hospitality,
was a favourite meeting - place of his intimates.
She accompanied the Prince to every entertainment
or assembly he honoured with his presence, and
she was received, if not with the formal homage
accorded to a Princess of Wales, yet with a deli-
cate deference which was in itself a recognition
of her unique position. By little acts of considera-
tion, if not by words, she was tacitly accorded
the position of the Prince's wife by all the great
ladies who gave her their friendship. Of these a
new one had arrived upon the scene in the person
of the Duchess of Cumberland, the wife of the
King's youngest brother. The Duke and Duchess
of Cumberland had been living at Avignon for the
sake of economy, and they were in France at the
time when the Prince of Wales went through the
marriage ceremony with Mrs. Fitzherbert. But
in the spring of 1786 they returned to London,
and threw open to the fashionable world the doors
of their beautiful mansion, Cumberland House, in
Pall Mall, which adjoined Carlton House. The
Duchess of Cumberland received once a week, and
her rooms were thronged with distinguished guests.
The King's threat that he would receive no one at
court who visited Cumberland House had proved
an empty one. So general was the response to
the Duchess's invitations, that the King could not
have enforced it without excluding from his court
half of London society, and that half the more
brilliant. The Duke of Cumberland, though he
was anything but wise, and before his marriage
anything but moral, had charming manners ; his
CARLTON HOUSE AND BRIGHTON 155
Duchess had succeeded in reforming him. As to
the Duchess, there was nothing to be urged against
her except that she had entrapped the Duke into
marrying her, and many people said she was much
too good for him. In 1786 she was no longer
young, but she was still a very handsome, fascinat-
ing woman. Even Horace Walpole, who cherished
a malevolent hatred of both the Duke and the
Duchess, and said all he could to their detriment,
was forced to admit her charm. " The new
Princess of the Blood," he wrote at the time of
her marriage, "is a young widow of twenty-four,
extremely pretty, not handsome, very well made,
with the most amorous eyes in the world, and eye-
lashes a yard long ; coquette beyond measure,
artful as Cleopatra, and completely mistress of all
her passions and projects. Indeed eyelashes three-
quarters of a yard shorter would have served to
conquer such a head as she has turned." 1 And
again he thus describes her : " There was some-
thing so bewitching in her languishing eyes, which
she could animate to enchantment if she pleased,
and her coquetry was so active, so varied, and yet
so habitual, that it was difficult not to see through it,
and yet as difficult to resist it. She danced divinely,
and had a great deal of wit, but of the satiric kind ;
and as she had haughtiness before her rise, no
wonder she claimed all the observances due to her
rank, after she became Duchess of Cumberland." 2
The Duchess did the honours of her house with
affability and dignity. Her unmarried sister, Lady
1 Walpole's " Letters," vol. v. ed. 1857.
2 Walpole's " Memoirs," vol. iv.
156 MRS. FITZHERBERT
Elizabeth Luttrell, aided her on these occasions,
but she had not her sister's dignity — her manners
were unpolished, and her conversation broad. The
Prince of Wales and Mrs. Fitzherbert invariably
attended the weekly assemblies at Cumberland
House, and the Duchess treated Mrs. Fitzherbert
exactly as though she were the Prince's acknow-
ledged wife, and showed her marked friendship.
There may have been a spice of malice in this, for
the Duchess knew how her recognition of Mrs.
Fitzherbert would annoy the King and Queen.
Queen Charlotte detested the Duchess, and de-
clared that she and the Duke pandered to the
Prince of Wales's follies in order to keep their
hold on him. She spoke of Cumberland House as
though it were a hotbed of iniquity. Certainly the
play there was high, but everything was conducted
with propriety. *
At Carlton House Mrs. Fitzherbert was now the
presiding divinity, and at all parties to which ladies
were invited Mrs. Fitzherbert, by the Prince's wish
and desire, played the part of hostess. She was the
central star of a brilliant constellation. The Prince's
court was far from being the stye of Epicurus,
which some have depicted it. To quote a con-
temporary writer : " Carlton House was the centre
in which genius, taste, and wit were to be found,
and to which elegance, beauty, and refinement in
the fair sex most amply resorted. Never, perhaps,
1 The French Embassy, then at Hyde Park Corner, was another
centre of pleasure. The French Ambassador, Comte d'Adhemar,
gave Sunday evening parties, which Mrs. Fitzherbert and the Prince
of Wales frequently attended. The Duke of Orleans was much in
England at this time.
CARLTON HOUSE AND BRIGHTON 157
had society in England boasted such an union of the
most brilliant qualities of the human mind as was
assembled at the table of His Royal Highness; never
had female charm shown with more dazzling lustre
than at the parties where ladies were admitted." l
The names of such beautiful and brilliant women
as the Duchess of Cumberland, the Duchess of
Devonshire, the Duchess of Rutland, Lady Mel-
bourne, Lady Clare, Lady Clermont, Mrs. Crewe,
Mrs. Sheridan, and others too numerous to be
mentioned here, form a guarantee of the truth of this
statement. Nor were the male habitues of Carlton
House one whit inferior to the women. The Prince
had his wild companions doubtless, but among his
chosen intimates were many men whose reputation
stood high in the State by virtue of their character
and commanding abilities. When we remember that
the Prince was only twenty-four years of age, it is
remarkable that he should have been able to attract
to his side, and to hold his own with, men so dis-
tinguished in their several ways as Fox, Sheridan,
Burke, Grey, Francis, Windham, Erskine, and
many more, each of whom by virtue of his talents
was deemed an ornament to any society. It is
a proof of his abilities which cannot be ex-
plained away, even by his most determined de-
tractors.2 Of Fox we have already spoken, of the
1 Adolphus's "History of George III." London, 1841, vol. iii.
2 Thackeray, who could see no good in George IV., writes : "At
first he made a pretence of having Burke, and Fox, and Sheridan for
his friends. But how could such men be serious before such an empty
scapegrace as this lad ? Fox might talk dice with him, and Sheridan
wine ; but what else had these men of genius in common with their
tawdry young host of Carlton House?"
Again he pours contempt in the well-known passage : " But this
158 MRS. FITZHERBERT
others, Sheridan1 formed an admirable type. He
had not been many years in Parliament, and had
already attained the height of celebrity as a man of
letters and as a politician. His social qualities, his
brilliant and ready wit, and his serenity of temper,
which nothing ruffled, made him a great favourite
with the Prince, to whom he filled the post of con-
fidential adviser. He was a young man, still in the
thirties, and his handsome features had not yet
been marred by his excesses in wine. Very different
was the eloquent Burke,2 who had a special link
with Mrs. Fitzherbert from the fact that he was
half a Roman Catholic. Tall, with dignified de-
portment and air of command which impressed
the House of Commons, he too could unbend
at Carl ton House, and pour forth words in his
melodious voice that "ranged from lofty flights of
eloquence to polished sarcasm. He was to the
Prince a valuable ally. So in another way was
George, what was he ? I look through all his life and recognise but a
bow and a grin. I try and take him to pieces, and find silk stockings,
padding, stays, a coat with frogs and a fur collar, a star and a blue
ribbon, a pocket-handkerchief prodigiously scented, one of Truefitt's
best nutty brown wigs reeking with oil, a set of teeth and a huge black
stock, under-waistcoats, more under-waistcoats, and then nothing."
(" The Four Georges.")
Against Thackeray's rhodomontade may fairly be set the opinion of
Sir Walter Scott. " He (Sir Walter Scott) talked to me of George IV.,
of whom he was very fond. He spoke of his intellectual faculty, which
he considered of a very high order. He said his exalted and good
breeding bespoke nothing but kindness and benevolence ; but he also
observed that when he was roused every inch of him was a King" (Sir
William Knighton's " Memoirs," October 3, 1831). And it must be
remembered that Sir Walter Scott knew George IV. and Thackeray
did not. ,
1 Richard Brinsley Sheridan (1751-1816), dramatist and parlia-
mentary orator.
2 Edmund Burke (1729-1797), orator and politician.
CARLTON HOUSE AND BRIGHTON 159
Sir Philip Francis, the reputed author of the
" Letters of Junius," whose biting bitterness some-
times fell in with the Prince's mood, and whose
pen, dipped in gall, was then devoted to the ser-
vice of the Prince's political friends.1 Another of
this brilliant group was Charles Grey,2 who had not
long left Cambridge, and had only this year (1786)
entered Parliament, where he had lately made
a speech which placed him in the first rank of
debaters. He was an ardent follower of Fox, yet
no two men could be more unlike in disposition.
Grey was cold, punctilious, and priggish ; but he
was high-minded and honourable, with a strong
sense of his duty to the nation. Just now, like all
the young hope of the Whig Party, he was in high
favour at Carlton House, but he and the Prince
were too dissimilar in character and temperament to
long remain friends. More to the Prince's liking
was the polished and wealthy Windham (" Weather-
cock Windham "), who, like so many of the Prince's
friends, dabbled in letters as well as politics ; and
the clever and crafty Erskine. Lord North was also
a visitor to Carlton House, sometime the King's
trusted Prime Minister, but now in opposition to
Pitt, and hobnobbing with those whom the King
called his " enemies." He was a welcome guest
at the Prince's convivial parties, where he was a
great favourite with the younger men by reason of
his quick wit and easy-going temper. He bore a
striking likeness to George III., which caused the
1 Sir Philip Francis (1708-1773), miscellaneous writer and jour-
nalist.
2 Charles Grey, second Earl Grey (1764-1845), afterwards the
Prime Minister who carried the Reform Bill of 1832.
160 MRS. FITZHERBERT
Prince of Wales to suggest that "either his royal
grandmother or North's mother must have played
her husband false."
It must be admitted the Prince's friends were not
all as these, and even among them, with "Youth on
the prow and Pleasure at the helm," too free in-
dulgence in the wine-cup often led to revels which,
though perhaps excusable in youth, sadly com-
promised the dignity of the men (not all of them
young) who took part in them. But it must be re-
membered that drinking was deep and play was high
in those days, not at Carlton House only, but in
many of the mansions of the great. It must be added
in the Prince's favour that, in an age when hard-
swearing was general, the language at the Prince's
assemblies, though free, was never coarse, and
harshly though the King and Queen treated him,
he never sanctioned a word in public which would
seem to show a want of respect to his parents.
Behind all the brilliancy and extravagance of
Carlton House stalked the ever-growing spectre of
the Prince's debts. The crisis came, perhaps the
Prince had timed it so to come, with the close of the
London season of this year (1786). Shortly after
the half-year the bills came pouring in, and other
claims fell due. The Jews would advance no more.
The moneylenders and tradesmen waxed so impor-
tunate that it became obvious, even to the Prince,
that something must be done, unless bailiffs were
actually to enter his house. The subject was one
of long and anxious discussion between the Prince
and his friends. Mrs. Fitzherbert, Sheridan, and
Fox were called into council. Mrs. Fitzherbert
CARLTON HOUSE AND BRIGHTON 161
urged immediate and drastic retrenchment, and
Fox agreed with her view. But Sheridan advised
that one more appeal should first be made to the
Government. Pitt was approached with a demand
for ,£250,000, that sum representing roughly the
Prince's debts. The Prime Minister, not wishing to
take upon himself the onus of an absolute refusal,
temporised and equivocated, and generally behaved
in so unsatisfactory a manner that, as Pitt wished,
the Prince lost patience, and made a direct appeal
to his father. The King affected to consider the
matter, and with the knowledge and confidence of
Pitt asked, as before, for another detailed statement
of liabilities — not, as the event proved, because he
had any intention of paying the Prince's debts, but
because he wanted to know on whom and how his
son spent his money. Again the Prince fell into the
trap. A schedule was duly furnished, and on it was
found an item amounting to ,£54,000, for jewellery,
plate, furniture, &c., which, it was said, the Prince
had ordered for Mrs. Fitzherbert, to set her up in
her new establishment in London. It was not an
unreasonable amount, all things considered ; but it
served to anger the King, and furnished a pre-
text for him to refuse to help his son. The King
wrote the Prince a short letter, in terms "not very
civil," declaring that neither now, nor at any future
time, would he sanction an increase in his son's
allowance.
The King's refusal was not altogether unex-
pected ; but the curt, harsh terms in which his
letter was written enraged the Prince. He showed
the letter to his friends as a fresh proof that his
VOL. I. L
1 62 MRS. FITZHERBERT
father "hated " him, and that it was useless for him
to humiliate himself before the King. Always in
extremes, the Prince now resolved upon a decided
step. He claimed to take it on his own initiative,
and certainly he did not consult either Fox or
Sheridan in the six hours which passed between
his receiving the King's letter and his replying to
it. This reply took the form of an ultimatum, in
which he informed the King, that since he would
not help him, he would immediately shut up Carlton
House, live as a private gentleman, and set aside
^40,000 a year for the payment of his debts, so
that all the world might know the issue between
them. This threat made the King uncomfortable,
for he had sent frequent requests to Parliament to
pay his own debts, despite the enormous Civil List
which he enjoyed, and he had no wish to be re-
presented in an unpopular light. He temporised,
and sent the Prince a message through Lord South-
ampton, saying that he had not absolutely refused,
and if his son took so rash a step he must abide by
the consequences. But the Prince's blood was up ;
he refused to be played with any longer, and he
replied in a letter intended for publication, wherein,
after recapitulating his view of the King's refusal,
he said that he could not delay longer, not only
because of "the pressing importunities of many
indigent and deserving creditors," but because
"further procrastination might have exposed me
to legal insults." He would therefore reduce every
expense in his household, even those necessary to
his birth and rank, " till I have totally liberated
myself from the present embarrassments that
CARLTON HOUSE AND BRIGHTON 163
oppress me."1 Brave words these, and well
worthy of a high-spirited young prince.
To this letter the King vouchsafed no answer.
Perhaps he did not believe that his pleasure-loving
and self-indulgent son would act upon his words.
If so, he was mistaken. Mrs. Fitzherbert's influence
strengthened the Prince in his high resolve. He
lost not a day in carrying his words into effect.
The half- finished work at Carlton House was
stopped, and the workmen discharged on the
moment ; the scaffolding remained a witness to
all London of the straits to which the heir-
apparent was reduced. The state apartments at
Carlton House were closed, the Prince retaining
only a few private rooms for his own use. Half
the servants were discharged, and those who were
retained suffered a reduction in their wages, which
it is only fair to say they suffered cheerfully — per-
haps they thought that the evil day would not last
long. The Prince also shut up his stables, and
sold his horses and carriages, liveries and harness,
by public auction. The Prince gained little by the
sale, a poor ^7000 ; and the proceeding intensely
annoyed the King and Queen. But the epithets,
"undignified," "revengeful," "theatrical," and so
forth, which the court party freely applied to the
Prince's retrenchments, were hardly justified. Pique
had, no doubt, something to do with this sudden
passion for economy, but there was also a real and
honourable desire on the part of the Prince to pay
his just debts, and free himself from galling embar-
rassments. It was hoped by the Prince's friends
1 Letter of the Prince of Wales to George III., July 9, 1786.
164 MRS. FITZHERBERT
that this spectacle of a young and generous Prince,
nobly striving to overcome his difficulties, would
touch the heart of the nation. Fox took this view ;
and though the Prince in writing to the King had
acted without consulting him, he thoroughly ap-
proved of the course the Prince was now following.
Indeed, Fox seems to have gone further, and to
have approved, if not suggested, that the Prince
should retire for a time to the Continent, where it
would be easier for him to carry out his plan of
retrenchment.1
If the Prince had gone to the Continent (probably
to Hanover) a practical object-lesson would have
been presented to the nation of the King's im-
possibility to live in harmony with his sons, or to
realise the advantage of having them in England.
At that time three of the King's sons, unable,
or unwilling, to stay under the paternal roof, had
been sent out of the country. The Duke of York
was in Hanover, Prince William was at sea, and
Prince Edward at Geneva. Arrangements were
also being made for the expatriation of the younger
Princes, as soon as they were old enough, to the ob-
scure German university of Gottingen, which was
considered by the King a superior place to Oxford
or Cambridge for the training of English princes.
Nor were the King's relations with his brothers any
more fortunate. The Duke of Gloucester and his
blameless Duchess were living at Florence, under the
ban of the royal autocrat's displeasure. The Duke
and Duchess of Cumberland had only a few months
1 Vide Letter of the Prince of Wales to Mr. Fox, July 19, 1786.—
Grey's " Life."
CARLTON HOUSE AND BRIGHTON 165
before returned from exile, and were in public dis-
grace at court. Of all the King's sons "only the
eldest," says Sir Nathaniel Wraxall, "remained at
home in a dismantled palace, all the state apartments
of which were shut up, his establishment dismissed,
and himself reduced in externals to the condition of
a private gentleman."1
The Princes could not all have been) in the wrong
and the King alone right. George III. was a well-
meaning and conscientious man, but in his dealings
with his brothers and sons he showed himself not
only unwise but harsh and despotic. In the case of
the Prince of Wales this harshness came perilously
near to hatred. The Queen was also to blame, for
she helped to stir up the family discord, and, imbued
with the spirit of the little German Court whence
she came, she aided and abetted the King in his
petty domestic tyrannies. It is no wonder that
their high-spirited sons, born and bred in England,
did not submit kindly to so irksome a yoke. An
instance of the King's unwisdom in dealing with his
sons was shown in the open ridicule which he poured
upon the Prince of Wales's plan of economy. He
made merry with his courtiers over the unfinished
work at Carlton House, he exhibited to them a
model which the Prince had sent him of what the
palace would ultimately be like, and he asked
derisively when it would be finished. The jest was
not very well-timed, nor in the best of taste, for what-
ever were the Prince's extravagances he had borne
for three years the principal burden of representing
royalty in the metropolis. Though the Prince in his
1 Wraxall's " Posthumous Memoirs."
1 66 MRS. FITZHERBERT
money troubles did not carry public sympathy with
him, neither did the King in his refusal to help him.
It was well known that in the King's court economy
was practised to the verge of meanness, yet the
King never had enough money, and was frequently
coming to Parliament for more. The nation
wondered what became of the money, and many
said it went to the Queen's needy German relatives,
but the truth was that the greater part of it was used
by the King for the purpose of keeping his political
friends in office. No King spent less on himself
than George III., or led a simpler or more moral
life, but public opinion was not with him on this
point ; it was thought that, if the Prince had to be
helped, his father was the one to help him. This
view found expression in a caricature of the day,
which depicted the King and Queen coming out
of the treasury loaded with money-bags, and the
Prince following in the rags of the prodigal son.
But the cleverest of the satirical prints which
refer to the breaking-up of the Prince's establish-
ment at Carl ton House parodies the well-known
scene in Sheridan's School for Scandal. The
Prince, as Charles Surface, holds a mock auction,
and knocks down the family portraits. Lot i is
the picture of "Farmer George and his Wife,"
which is described as going for " not more than
one crown." Lot 2 is Mrs. Fitzherbert. Through
the open door is seen Tattersall's and the sale of the
Prince's stud. This sale lent credence to the rumour
that the Prince was going to Hanover for a time.
But the Prince did not go to Hanover. He went
to Brighton.
CARLTON HOUSE AND BRIGHTON 167
Brighton, or " Brighthelmstone," as it was then
called, had not long emerged from the obscurity of
a fishing village ; it bore little resemblance to the
" London by the sea " we know to-day. Kemptown
had not been built, King's Road had not been
planned, and Hove was nothing but a hamlet.
Brighton was at the beginning of its prosperous
career, yet it was nearer its social zenith then than
now, for the heir-apparent to the throne, " the first
gentleman in Europe," the incomparable arbiter of
fashion, honoured it with frequent visits, and made
it his favourite residence. The Prince first went
to Brighton in 1783, on a visit to the Duke and
Duchess of Cumberland, who were residing there
for the summer ; and some have it (though there is
no proof) that he first met Mrs. Fitzherbert there.
He came again in 1784, having been recommended
sea-bathing for a malady to which he was always
subject, a swelling of the glands of the throat, which,
by the way, led to the wearing of the preposterously
high collars and stocks which he made fashionable.
This time he was followed by many of the great world.
We read of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox being there, the
Duke of Chartres, and the Duke of Queensberry.
The Prince stayed in a house a little way back
from the sea, surrounded by trees and a garden,
and with a fine view. It belonged to Lord Egre-
mont's brother. The Brighton air suited the Prince
so well, and he liked the house so much, that he
bought the property. He gave orders that most of
the old house should be pulled down, and a new
one erected. The work was begun at once. The
Prince came down to Brighton in the summer of
1 68 MRS. FITZHERBERT
1 785 to superintend the operations, and it was during
this visit that he was said to have gone across to
the French coast to see Mrs. Fitzherbert. By the
next summer (1786) the Pavilion was almost finished
— that is to say, so far as any house in which the
Prince lived could ever be finished, for building
was with him a mania.
At this period the Marine Pavilion, as it was
first called (later, the Royal Palace), had not taken on
its present Chinese, pseudo-oriental aspect. The
most remarkable feature of the building, as it was
then altered for the Prince, consisted of a circular
edifice in the centre crowned by a dome or cupola :
this was connected by Ionic colonnades to the two
wings. The north wing was new, but the other
wing was merely adapted from the original villa.
There were balconies and verandahs so as to admit
air and exclude heat, and a view of the sea could be
obtained from almost every window. Before the
Pavilion, looking towards the sea, was a lawn, with
shrubs and flowers, separated only from the public
grounds by a low wall and trellis-work, for in those
days the Prince of Wales had no objection to see
and be seen. The Pavilion, in short, was merely a
pleasant villa, not a royal residence. It was a re-
treat for a prince, but not for his court, planned
something after the manner of the pavilion of " Sans
Souci " in the gardens of Potsdam, where Frederick
the Great loved to pass quiet days. It was some
years later, when the Prince tried to convert this
pleasant retreat into a royal palace, that it assumed
the grotesque aspect it wears to-day.
The Prince left his semi-dismantled palace in Pall
CARLTON HOUSE AND BRIGHTON 169
Mall on July n, and, true to his new plan of re-
trenchment, he travelled down to Brighton in a
hired postchaise — a fact which was duly noticed
by the newspapers and caricaturists. One cartoon
represents the Prince and Mrs. Fitzherbert leaving
London in a hired coach. The lady is studying
" The Principles of Economy." The coach is piled
high with furniture, vegetables, meat, small beer, and
raisin wine. Weltje, the Prince's major-domo, is
driving. The cartoon was not correct, for Mrs.
Fitzherbert did not accompany the Prince to
Brighton, but followed him a fortnight later. She,
also on economy bent, had given up her house in
St. James's Square, and the delay in her going to
Brighton arose from the need of finding a house for
her there, as she refused, until her marriage with the
Prince was openly acknowledged, to live under the
same roof with him. A pretty, modest villa was
found for her close to the Pavilion, a little house
with green shutters, and separated only from the
mansion by a strip of garden.1
Mrs. Fitzherbert arrived on July 24. A local
authority says that she then " came to Brighton for
the first time recorded." 2 But it is almost certain
that she had visited Brighton before ; she appears
to have been well known there in 1782, in the
days before she was famous, and there is a
tradition that the Prince followed her to Brighton
during his ardent courtship in the summer of 1784.
1 This villa was situated quite near to what is now the North Gate.
It must not be confounded with the house which Mrs. Fitzherbert
built to the south of the Pavilion, on the Steine.
2 "The Brighton Pavilion and its Royal Associations." By J. G.
Bishop.
i yo MRS. FITZHERBERT
His great liking for the place dated from that time,
and it is said that Mrs. Fitzherbert inspired it.
That is tradition only, but it is a fact that Mrs.
Fitzherbert was devoted to Brighton ; that she, more
than any one else, confirmed the fickle Prince in his
attachment to the place ; and that his presence and
her influence promoted the prosperity of the town.
Thus to Mrs. Fitzherbert, equally with the Prince
of Wales, Brighton was indebted for more than
half-a-century of popularity in the world of fashion
almost unparalleled in the history of an English
seaside place.
The Brighton of Mrs. Fitzherbert's day was not
ungrateful to her. She was always welcomed there
with respect, and to the end of her long life that
respect never wavered. It was something quite
apart from her connection with the Prince, though
the Prince himself was most popular with the honest
folk of Brighton ; they shouted themselves hoarse
whenever he came ; and whatever he did they, at
least, were not disposed to be hard upon his follies.
The Prince and Mrs. Fitzherbert passed the
summer of 1786 very quietly at Brighton. The
Prince entertained little, and kept up no state. The
wilder spirits among his friends were absent. Only
Sheridan and a few others were there.
The Prince superintended the improvements in
the Pavilion (as they were so near completion they
were not stopped like those at Carlton House).
He walked with Mrs. Fitzherbert daily on the
broad open space between the Pavilion gardens and
the sea, known as the Steine. This became the
fashionable parade, where during the next half-
CARLTON HOUSE AND BRIGHTON 171
century might be met at various times nearly all the
most celebrated men and women in England — all
the princes, politicians, beauties, and beaux that made
up the brilliant society of the later Georgian era.
The Prince mixed freely with the throng on the
Steine, chatting with those whom he knew, and
bowing and smiling to the promenaders with
affability and good-nature.
The Prince was now quite a reformed character ;
under the influence of Mrs. Fitzherbert he drank
less, gambled not at all, moderated his language,
and seemed in every way determined to lead a
new life. "People talked much of the Prince of
Wales's reform, particularly in this spot which he
has chosen as the place of his retreat," wrote
the Earl of Mornington to the Duke of Rutland,
July 18, I786.1 "Mrs. Fitzherbert is here," he
added, "and they say with child." This rumour,
which was generally credited at that time, had
no foundation in fact.
The marked improvement in the Prince's mode
of life was well known at Windsor, but it made no
difference to the hostility of the King and Queen.
In August 1786, Mary Nicholson, a madwoman,
made an attempt to stab the King, when he was
alighting from his carriage. The moment the
Prince heard the news he posted off to Windsor to
offer his congratulations to his father on his escape,
but the King refused to see him, though he was in
the next room to that in which the Queen received
her son. Mrs. Fitzherbert' s great desire was to
bring about a reconciliation between the Prince and
1 Rutland Papers, op. cit.
172 MRS. FITZHERBERT
his father. It was her theory that, if the Prince
would only persist for a period in his plan of re-
trenchment and reform, the King's heart would
surely soften towards him. The Prince, who knew
the King better than she did, declared that his
father would never help him. But he was so much
under Mrs. Fitzherbert's good influence at this time,
and so happy in her society, that he did whatever
she wished.
CHAPTER X
DENIAL OF THE MARRIAGE
(1787)
THE Prince of Wales was very little in London
during the winter of 1786-1787. He was too
poor to be at Carlton House, and he lived for the
most part in houses lent to him, like that of the
Duke of Gloucester's at Bagshot, and Lord North's
at Bushey. He was very hard pressed for money.
The Duke of Orleans, always his evil counsellor,
urged him to accept a substantial loan. The Duke
of Portland heard of it in Paris, and wrote in great
alarm to Sheridan, who consulted Mrs. Fitzherbert.
They both exerted themselves to prevent the
Prince from receiving aid from a foreign prince,
and successfully. They urged that he only had to
wait a little longer, for public opinion was slowly
declaring itself on his side.
The Prince had now persisted in his plan of
economy for six months. His small debts were
all settled, and a dividend of nine per cent, on the
larger ones had been paid. The strained relations
between the King and his son had become a public
scandal, and reflected on the credit of the dynasty.
The Prince's friends, and indeed many men on
both sides of politics, thought it was time that this
state of affairs ended. But the obstinacy of the
174 MRS. FITZHERBERT
King, and the reluctance of responsible politicians
to intrude into what was primarily a family quarrel,
seemed to render any private settlement impossible.
Early in 1787 a meeting of the Prince's political
friends and supporters was held at Mr. Pelham's, to
discuss the situation. The Prince was present.
Some were for bringing the Prince's debts before
Parliament, but the majority were opposed to it.
The discussion was superficial, for in the minds of
all was the question whether the Prince was married
to Mrs. Fitzherbert or not. The real obstacle in
the way of a Parliamentary settlement lay in the
dread of a public discussion of his alleged marriage.
Every one present knew this, but the subject was
not so much as hinted at. It is no wonder, there-
fore, that the conference broke up without coming
to any decision. The Duke of Portland and all of
the Whig leaders, except Fox and Sheridan, were
opposed to pledging the party to support the Prince.
They knew how profoundly the Protestant feeling
in the country had been stirred by the rumour of
his secret marriage to a Roman Catholic, and they
feared that they would seem to condone his action
by advocating his case in Parliament. They could
not understand the attitude of Fox, who was gene-
rally astute in reading the signs of the times. He
was the Prince's chosen friend and mentor, and
bound to him by special ties. Yet instead of
joining with the great Whig Lords in deprecating
any discussion of the subject, he stood apart and
kept his own counsel. He had resolved upon inde-
pendent action, and consulted neither the Prince
nor his political friends. He carried in his pocket,
DENIAL OF THE MARRIAGE 175
unknown to any save himself, the Prince's evasive
letter of denial, written on the eve of his marriage
to Mrs. Fitzherbert. That letter was sufficient for
Fox's purpose, and there is no evidence to show
that after he received it he spoke to the Prince
again on the subject. The Prince, we may be sure,
did not mention the matter to him, for he never
voluntarily alluded to unpleasant topics. Yet the
papers were full of the marriage, and just at this awk-
ward moment that eccentric politician, Home Tooke,
added fuel to the flame of public curiosity by pub-
lishing his celebrated pamphlet on "The Reported
Marriage of the Prince of Wales," in which, after
treating the Royal Marriage Act with not unusual
contempt, he wound up by declaring: " It is not from
the debates in either House of Parliament that the
public will receive any solid or useful information on
a point of so much importance to the nation, to the
Sovereign on the throne, to his royal successor, and
to a most amiable and justly valued Female Character
whom I conclude to be in all respects both legally^
really, worthily, and happily for this country, her
Royal Highness the Princess of Wales."1
Though the Prince maintained silence on the
all-important subject of his marriage, he must
have known what was in the minds of all his
friends. He knew also why the Whig leaders
refused to champion his cause, but he affected
1 "A Letter to a Friend on the Reported Marriage of His Royal
Highness the Prince of Wales." By J. Home Tooke. London, 1787.
John Home Tooke (1736-1812), politician and pamphleteer, an
ex-clergyman, was returned for Old Sarum 1801, but was prevented
from taking his seat in the House by an Act passed for declaring
clergymen ineligible.
1 76 MRS. FITZHERBERT
ignorance, and quarrelled with the Duke of Port-
land because he would not support his application
to Parliament. But still the Prince persisted in his
resolution of bringing the question of his debts
before Parliament, in some form or other, and since
the Whigs as a party would not take up the matter,
it was resolved to entrust it to an independent
member. Such a one was found in Alderman
Newnham, member of Parliament for the city of
London, a man of high repute in financial circles,
though not of great weight in the House. The
Tories said that social ambition was the reason of
Newnham's championing this unpopular cause, but
there appears no reason to doubt his sincerity.
On April 20, 1787, Alderman Newnham rose in
the House of Commons to ask the Chancellor of
the Exchequer (Mr. Pitt} —
" Whether it was the design of the Ministers to
bring forward any proposition to rescue the Prince
of Wales from his present very embarrassed condi-
tion ? for though he thought that His Royal High-
ness's conduct, during his difficulties, had reflected
greater honour and glory on his character than
the most splendid diadem in Europe had upon the
wearer of it, yet it must be very disagreeable to His
Royal Highness to be deprived of those comforts
and enjoyments which so properly belonged to his
high rank." *
Mr. Pitt answered: "That as it was not his
duty to bring forward a subject of such a nature as
that suggested by the hon. gentleman except at the
1 "Parliamentary History," vol. xxvi. (1786-1788), from which the
following quotations and account of the debates are mainly taken.
DENIAL OF THE MARRIAGE 177
command of his Majesty, it was not necessary for
him to say more in reply to the question than that
he had not been honoured with such a command."
Alderman Newnham then gave notice that he
should bring forward a motion on May 4.
This announcement caused considerable pertur-
bation in the minds of the King and his Ministers,
who were anxious to prevent a discussion which
could reflect no credit .on any one concerned in it.
They could not understand the Prince's move, for
they had always felt confident that he would not
force matters to a crisis, lest the subject of his
marriage should be brought forward. But since he
was not amenable to reason, it was resolved to see
what veiled threats would do. Instead, therefore,
of waiting for events to follow their usual course
and leaving the matter to be discussed on May 4,
four days after Alderman Newnham's notice (on
April 24), Pitt suddenly sprang the subject on a
crowded House.
Mr. Pitt said: "That perceiving the House was
so full, he would take the opportunity of alluding to
a subject of the highest importance in itself and of
the greatest novelty, which of all others required
the greatest delicacy which could possibly be used
in its discussion. He wished to know the scope
and tendency of the motion coming on next week,
and whether the honourable magistrate intended to
persevere with it."
But Alderman Newnham was not to be drawn.
After a hurried consultation with his friends he
answered : —
"|That he did not mean, as the right honourable
VOL. i. M
178 MRS. FITZHERBERT
gentleman had phrased it, to force forward the
subject of the Prince of Wales's situation. It in fact
forced itself forward, but he should have been ex-
tremely well pleased to have had the matter taken
out of his hands by his Majesty's Ministers. As to
the particular parliamentary form which it would
wear, it really had not been decided upon by him-
self, but the object of it he had no objection to state,
as it was to rescue his Royal Highness from his
present embarrassed situation."
In this he was supported by Fox, who thought
he saw a sign of weakness in Pitt's thus bringing
forward the subject.
Mr. Fox said : " That he entirely agreed with
the right honourable gentleman that it was a subject
of peculiar novelty, but so were the circumstances
that gave rise to it, and it was also of equal delicacy,
but as that delicacy would arise from the necessity
of going into an investigation of the causes from
which these circumstances originated, for that must
prove a painful work to the House, ... he hoped
that the business might be forestalled, and some-
thing done in the interim to render it unnecessary
for the honourable magistrate to prosecute his in-
tention."
Mr. Pitt answered : "He admitted that the
principal delicacy of the question would lie in the
necessity for inquiring into the causes of the circum-
stances which were proposed to be brought into
discussion, and for that reason he would, from his
profound respect for every part of the illustrious
family who were concerned in it, wish if possible to
avoid discussion. If the honourable magistrate
DENIAL OF THE MARRIAGE 179
should determine to bring it forward he would,
however distressing it might be. to him, as an in-
dividual, discharge his duty to the public, and enter
fully into the subject."
Pitt spoke with meaning, and there was a veiled
threat in his words which caused a considerable sen-
sation in the House. Every one understood what
Pitt meant when he spoke of the "necessity of
inquiring into the causes." But the Prince's friends
deemed it best to ignore the menace at the time,
and the subject dropped.
Three days later, on April 27, Alderman Newn-
ham again brought forward the subject. After
reminding the House of what had passed, and
regretting that the Ministers had done nothing in
the meanwhile to meet the Prince's wishes, he
moved : —
" That an humble address be presented to his
Majesty, praying him to take into his royal con-
sideration the present embarrassed state of affairs of
his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, and to grant
him such relief as his royal wisdom should think
fit, and that the House would make good the same."
Before Pitt could rise to reply to this challenge an
interruption came from an unexpected quarter, where
from below the gangway on the Ministerial side of
the House sat, in solid phalanx, the Tory squires.
Their mouthpiece was Rolle,1 one of the members
1 John Rolle (1750-1 842), M.P. for Devonshire, had entered Parlia-
ment in 1780 as a supporter of Pitt. In 1796 he was created Lord
Rolle. He was the aged peer who stumbled on the steps of Queen
Victoria's throne when he offered homage at her Coronation. He
was twice married ; his second wife survived him for many years, and
died so lately as 1885.
i8o MRS. FITZHERBERT
of Parliament for the county of Devon. Rolle was
a typical country squire, uncouth in person, rough
in manners, halting in speech, impervious either to
bribery or flattery, and noted for his sturdy inde-
pendence. He was the hero of that satirical effusion
the " Rolliad," and an avowed enemy of Fox. No
sooner had Alderman Newnham sat down than Mr.
Rolle rose, and, speaking with dogged emphasis and
a broad Devonshire accent, said : —
"If ever there was a question which called par-
ticularly upon the attention of that class of persons,
the country gentlemen, it would be the question
which the honourable Alderman had declared his
determination to agitate, because it was a question
which went immediately to affect our Constitution in
Church and State. Whenever it should be brought
forward he would rise the moment the honourable
Alderman sat down and move the previous question,
being convinced that it ought not to be discussed."
Rolle's words made a profound impression on the
House, especially on the Ministerial benches. Rolle
represented the most influential section of the
Tory party, the country squires, those staunch up-
holders of the Established Church, who were noted
for their strong dislike of Nonconformists, both
Roman Catholics and Protestant Dissenters.
Fox was unaccountably absent from this dis-
cussion. He said afterwards that he did not know
the matter was to be brought forward on that day,
but surely he must have known it, as he was in
close touch with Alderman Newnham. But Sheridan
was present, and he represented in an especial
manner the Prince of Wales. He threw himself
DENIAL OF THE MARRIAGE 181
into the breach, and strove in vain to remove the
impression made by Rolle's words, by affecting not
to understand their meaning.
Mr. Sheridan said : "He differed much from those
who represented that alarming consequences might
ensue from the present motion, and that the existence
of Church and State was endangered by its agitation :
he did not well know what precise meaning to affix
to expressions of this kind, but he was well convinced
that the motion originated only in a consciousness
of the unparalleled difficulties under which the heir
to the Crown was so long suffered to labour. . . .
Whatever was brought forward he knew would
meet with an unequivocal and complete reply, such
as he was assured his Royal Highness would him-
self give, as a peer of Great Britain, were a question
of this nature to be agitated in another House.
How far such a discussion might be proper he left
to the feeling of the gentleman to whom he alluded
to decide."
But the sturdy Rolle would have no ambiguity.
Mr. Rolle rose again to declare that : " If a motion
were urged, which he thought highly improper to be
proposed, the honourable gentleman would find he
would not flinch from it, but act as became an
independent country gentleman to act upon such an
occasion, and state without reserve his sentiments,
according as the matter struck him. He would do
his duty."
Pitt now thought fit to intervene. From his seat
on the Ministerial bench he had seen the impression
which Rolle's words had produced, and the con-
fusion they had wrought among the Prince's friends,
1 82 MRS. FITZHERBERT
and he availed himself of the opportunity. He
hoped to frighten the Alderman into withdraw-
ing his motion. Therefore, speaking with great
deliberation, and emphasising his meaning with
significant gestures —
Mr. Pitt said : " He was very much concerned that,
by the perseverance of the hon. member (Newnham],
he should be driven, though with infinite reluctance,
to the disclosure of circumstances which he should
otherwise think it his duty to conceal'' (Sensation.)
" Whenever the motion should be agitated he was
ready to avow his determined and fixed resolution
to give it his absolute negative."
There could be no doubt about Pitt's meaning,
and when he sat down several members of Parlia-
ment rose one after another, deprecated the motion,
and urged Alderman Newnham to withdraw it.
But the Alderman made no sign, and presently
Sheridan rose again. So far from yielding, he
was quick to seize the advantage of Pitt's indis-
creet speech. A license, which might be allowed
in a private member of Parliament like Rolle, could
hardly be permitted in a Minister of the Crown.
Speaking with great warmth —
Mr. Sheridan said : "He was unable to compre-
hend why the notice of this motion should have pro-
duced any alarm amongst the country members, who
must be aware that the Prince should not be suffered
to continue in such embarrassed circumstances. . . .
Some honourable gentlemen had thought proper to
express their anxious wishes that the business should
be deferred, but the Chancellor of the Exchequer
(Pitt) had erected an insuperable barrier to such
DENIAL OF THE MARRIAGE 183
a step. It would then seem to the country, to all
Europe, that the Prince had yielded to terror what
he had denied to argument. What could the world
think of such conduct, but that he fled from inquiry
and dared not face his accusers ? But if such was
the design of these threats, he believed they would
find that the author of them had as much mistaken
the feelings as the conduct of the Prince."
Sheridan's speech was nothing but a piece of
bluff. He knew that Pitt either would not, or
could not, prove his words, and he wished to force
him to withdraw them. Pitt had only uttered his
threat in the hope of forcing a withdrawal of the
motion. When he saw that the Prince's friends
were determined to brave the matter out, he was
for the moment nonplussed, and knew not what
to reply. The Speaker came to his aid by calling
up a member of Parliament to present a petition
which he had in his hand, and the House proceeded
with the business of the day.
But the matter could hardly be allowed to rest
thus. The excitement in the lobbies was great.
Members gathered in little groups discussing Pitt's
words, and wondering what answer he would make
to Sheridan's defiance. Meanwhile, Pitt had a
hasty consultation with his colleagues. It was re-
cognised that his threat had failed to produce the
desired effect, and that he had unwittingly given
advantage to his opponents. Later in the evening,
therefore, the Prime Minister reopened the question,
this time with a speech that was painfully like an
equivocation.
Mr. Pitt said : " He wished to remove the
184 MRS. FITZHERBERT
possibility of misinterpretation, especially as the
hon. gentleman (Mr. Sheridan] had stated that the
insinuations which had been thrown out made it im-
possible for the friends of the Prince of Wales to
withdraw their motion. The particulars to which
he alluded, and which he should think it necessary
to state more fully to the House, related only to the
pecuniary embarrassments of the Prince of Wales,
and to a correspondence that had taken place on
the subject, and this had no reference to any
extraneous circumstances"
But Sheridan had no intention of letting him off
so easily. He rubbed in Pitt's disavowal.
Mr. Sheridan said : "He was extremely glad
the right hon. gentleman had explained himself, be-
cause, undoubtedly, as he left the matter, the interpre-
tation of the right hon. gentleman's declaration had
been the very construction which he had now so
fully cleared himself from having had any intention
to convey. As to that matter, any sort of allusion
to it would have been in the extremest degree
indelicate and disrespectful."
Sheridan went that same night to Carlton House
and told the Prince what had passed. The Prince
was greatly perturbed, and his perturbation only
slightly lessened when the next morning Pitt sent
for Lord Southampton, repeated to him his recanta-
tion in the House the previous day, and asked him,
in effect, to explain to the Prince that he had not
meant what he said. The Prince adroitly seized
the advantage, and returned to Pitt a haughty
answer, "that he never received verbal messages
except from the King." But though Pitt might
DENIAL OF THE MARRIAGE 185
be muzzled, there remained Rolle to be reckoned
with, and he was determined to bring the matter of
the Prince's reputed marriage to a Roman Catholic
before the notice of the House at the first oppor-
tunity. Behind Rolle were the country gentlemen,
and behind them again was the Protestant feeling
of the country. The Prince could not hope to stand
up against the storm. Deserted as he was by many
of his political friends, with the King against him,
and the Government avowedly hostile, he thought
that to avow his marriage to a Roman Catholic
at this juncture would be to imperil his succession
to the Crown. The Prince was not prepared to
make such a sacrifice. Yet after the pointed allusions
made to the secret marriage in the House, it was
not possible to fight the question any fonger with
gloves. It would have to be met with either avowal
or disavowal. The Prince, as usual, sought refuge
in sophistry. The marriage was not legal. There-
fore it was no marriage ; for him it did not exist,
since it left him free. Mrs. Fitzherbert, he knew,
would never betray him, whatever happened ; the
clergyman and the witnesses could be trusted to
keep their own counsel, for over them hung the
mysterious threat of premunire and its penalties.
The marriage could be safely denied ; therefore, he
argued, he was free to deny it.
Yet when the Prince thought of his wife, whom
he loved more than any other being in the world,
some remorse seems to have crossed his mind.
Sheridan, who enjoyed the friendship of them both,
was sent to sound Mrs. Fitzherbert on the subject,
and to prepare her for the worst. She did not
1 86 MRS. FITZHERBERT
know of the letter the Prince had written to Fox
before the marriage, nor probably did Sheridan.
Neither had Sheridan the courage to tell her de-
finitely that the marriage would be denied, but he
said that it was probable that some explanation
would be required by Parliament of her connection
with the Prince ; and he impressed upon her the
extreme difficulty of the Prince's position in the
matter, and the necessity of secrecy. It was easy
to work upon her fears, for the perils of the Prince's
situation, and the dread of Protestant prejudice,
were ever present with her. The unhappy lady
seems to have realised her danger, for she told
Sheridan that " they knew she was like a dog with
a log tied round its neck, and they must protect
her."1 Sheridan, of course, was ready to promise
anything and everything to calm her, but he left
her with a presentiment of evil to come. Her fears
were not unfounded. This time the Prince had
fully made up his mind that the marriage must be
treated as non-existent, and if the question were
raised in Parliament, his friends must be prepared
to meet it with denial.
Fox, for one, was determined that the denial
should not lack completeness. More than any
one else, his popularity had suffered. Without a
shadow of truth he had been accused of conniving
at the Prince's secret marriage with a Roman
Catholic. Everything which unscrupulous opponents
could do to convey this impression to the people
had been done ; paragraphs in the press had accused
him of being privy to the marriage, and caricatures
1 Langdale, op. cit.
DENIAL OF THE MARRIAGE 187
and cartoons innumerable had depicted him as
assisting at a ceremony of which he knew nothing,
and against which he had protested in vain. These
accusations had been going on for nearly a year, and
he determined to answer them once for all. He
had the Prince's letter, and that was enough for his
purpose. Whether the marriage had taken place
or not was beside the point. It had been denied
to him by the Prince in writing, and he did not seek
to go behind that denial. Moreover, he did not
feel in any way called upon to shield Mrs. Fitzher-
bert from the consequences of her folly. Fox was
always loyal to his friends, perhaps too loyal ; but
Mrs. Fitzherbert was not his friend. They had
nothing in common — he did not understand her or
sympathise with her, and she, though she was
discretion itself, had an instinctive dislike of him.
His blasphemies shocked her, his loose morals
revolted her, and his excessive drinking and
gambling disgusted her. She feared that in these
matters he had a bad influence over the Prince.
Perhaps, too, Fox was a little jealous of her. Since
the Prince's connection with Mrs. Fitzherbert, the
frank comradeship between him and his " dear
Charles" had gone, and though the Prince de-
clared himself as devoted as ever to his friend, the
old intimacy had ceased. Fox would have been
less than human if he had not attributed some of
this falling off to Mrs. Fitzherbert. In a crisis like
the present, therefore, he conceived that his duty
was only to the Prince ; he owed no consideration
to Mrs. Fitzherbert. With these thoughts in his
mind he resolved to act. To say this is not to
1 88 MRS. FITZHERBERT
place Fox altogether in the wrong, for he had
authority for what he stated. But it shows that
in what followed the Prince was not wholly to
blame.
It was announced that Alderman Newnham was
to bring forward his motion on April 30. On that
day the House of Commons was crowded, and
everywhere within its precincts there reigned an air
of subdued excitement. Fox was in his place, forti-
fied doubtless for the coming fray by an extra bottle
of port, and the Prince's friends, such as Sheridan,
Grey, and others, were gathered around him.
When the Alderman rose to propose his motion,
his opening words showed that the Prince's friends
meant to present a bold front.
Alderman Newnham said : " On Friday last,
much personal application had been made to him
from various quarters of the House to press him to
forego his purpose, and much had been said of the
dangerous consequences which might result from
the discussion of such a subject. One gentleman
had gone so far as to contend that it would draw
on questions affecting Church and State. That ex-
pression, coupled with certain hints which fell from
the Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Pitt), had
induced him, as well as other members, to suspect
that in order to deter him from persisting in
bringing forward this motion, matters of singular
delicacy were to be agitated without reserve. The
Chancellor of the Exchequer had indeed explained
his meaning in a way satisfactory to the House,
and in his opinion, the gentleman who had made
use of the expressions relative to Church and State
CHARLES JAMES FOX
DENIAL OF THE MARRIAGE 189
was bound as a man of honour to come to an open
explanation of what he meant by the allusion."
Mr. Fox rose immediately after Mr. Newnham
had concluded his remarks. He began with an
apology for his absence on the previous occasion :
" Not having heard that a subject of so much
delicacy and importance was likely to be at all
alluded to on Friday last, he had not come down to
the House on that day. On a former occasion he
had heard the Chancellor of the Exchequer throw
out certain hints which appeared to his mind
extremely like a menace, and that of a very extra-
ordinary nature, but those hints had, he understood,
on Friday last been much narrowed by explanation,
and confined to certain correspondence and letters
which had passed on the subject without doors. . . .
He desired it to be understood, not as speaking
lightly but as speaking from the immediate autho-
rity of the Prince of Wales, when he assured the
Houset hat there was no part of his Royal High-
ness' conduct that he was either afraid or unwilling
to have investigated in the most minute manner.
With regard to the private correspondence alluded
to, he wished to have it laid before the House, be-
cause it would prove that the conduct of his Royal
Highness had been in the highest degree amiable,
and would present an uniform and a perfect picture
of duty and obedience, so much so as ever, in any
instance, had been shown from a son to his father,
or from a subject to his Sovereign* With regard
to the debt, which was the cause of his embarrass-
ments, his Royal Highness, if the House would
deem it necessary, was willing to give an account in
190 MRS. FITZHERBERT
writing of every part of it — not of every single sum,
or even of every thousand pounds, for such an
account the good sense of the House would see to
be improper, if not impossible — but a general and
fair account. He had not the smallest objection to
afford the House every possible satisfaction, and
there was not a circumstance of his Royal High-
ness's life which he was ashamed to have known."
So far Fox had only spoken in generalities. Now,
for a moment, he paused, and then raising his voice,
but speaking slowly and with a deliberation which
compelled the attention of the House, he con-
tinued : —
" With respect to the allusion to something full
of ' danger to the Church and State ' made by the
hon. gentleman, one of the members for the county
of Devon, till that gentleman thought proper to ex-
plain himself, it was impossible to say with any
certainty to what that allusion referred ; but he sup-
posed it must be meant in reference to that mise-
rable calumny, that low malicious falsehood, which
had been propagated without doors, and made
the wanton sport of the vulgar. In that House,
where it was known how frequent and common
the falsehoods of the time were, he hoped a tale
only fit to impose upon the lowest order of
persons in the streets would not have gained
the smallest portion of credit; but when it appeared
that an invention so monstrous, a report of a fact
which had not the smallest degree of foundation,
a report of a fact actually impossible to have hap-
pened, had been circulated with so much industry
as to have made an impression on the minds of
DENIAL OF THE MARRIAGE 191
members of that House, it proved at once the un-
common pains taken by the enemies of his Royal
Highness to propagate the grossest and most malig-
nant falsehoods with a view to depreciate his char-
acter and injure him in the opinion of his country.
When he (Mr. Fox] considered that his Royal
Highness was the first subject in the kingdom and
the immediate heir to the throne, he was at a loss to
imagine what species of party it was which could
have fabricated so base and scandalous a calumny.
Had there existed in the kingdom such a faction as
an anti-Brunswick faction, to that faction he should
have certainly imputed the invention of so malicious
a falsehood, for he knew not what other description
of men could feel an interest in first forming, and
then circulating with more than ordinary assiduity, a
tale in every particular so unfounded, and for which
there was not the shadow of anything like reality.
" This being the fact, and as the occasion had
made it necessary for him to declare as much, he
hoped it would have this good effect upon the
House and upon the country, that it would teach
both the one and the other to distrust the reports
circulated to the prejudice of the Prince, and lessen
any opinion that they might in consequence take up
injurious to the character of his Royal Highness,
who might be said to be a person in whose fair
fame that House and the country were deeply
interested. The whole of the debt the Prince was
ready to submit to the investigation of the House ;
and he was equally ready to submit the other
circumstance to which he had alluded to their con-
sideration, provided the consideration of a House
1 92. MRS. FITZHERBERT
of Parliament could, with consistency, with propriety
and decency, be applied to such a subject. Nay,
his Royal Highness had authorised him to declare
that, as a peer of Parliament, he was ready in the
other House to submit to any, the most pointed
questions, which could be put to him respecting it,
or to afford his Majesty or his Majesty's Ministers
the fullest assurances of the utter falsehood of the
fact in question, which never had, and common
sense must see, never could have happened."
Half the House had listened to Fox's remarks
with incredulity, the other with a sense of relief.
When he sat down a buzz of eager comment broke
forth, which was hushed as Pitt rose. The great
Minister was more than usually cold, frigid, and
contemptuous ; his calmness contrasting markedly
with the impassioned demeanour of Fox.
Mr. Pitt said : " He should not at present enter
into a debate upon the question." He rebuked Mr.
Fox for his " hints and insinuations against a person
unnamed (the King). As the right hon. gentle-
man did not choose to point his own charge against
any individual, he should not point it for him." Of
Rolle he said that he, " with the zeal that became
a good subject, interposed, in common with many
other respectable members, with his entreaties to
the hon. magistrate, not to force the House to the
discussion of a subject which was of all others to be
most avoided, and which he looked upon himself as
bound in duty to the public, to the Prince, and to
the Sovereign, to prevent if possible."
It will be seen that Pitt made no allusion to
Fox's denial of Mrs. Fitzherbert's marriage to the
DENIAL OF THE MARRIAGE 193
Prince, and his silence on this point was significant.
The House would willingly have let the matter
drop, but Rolle was determined to probe the subject
to the bottom. He was not in the least convinced
by Fox's words, and he suspected sophistry and
equivocation.
Mr. Rolle said : " After the pointed manner in
which he had been alluded to it was necessary to
say a few words. . . . The right hon. gentleman
had touched upon the very matter to which he had
alluded, when he, on Friday last, called on the
country gentlemen to attend to a question which
would affect both Church and State. That matter
had been stated and discussed in newspapers all
over the kingdom, and it had made an impression
upon him, and upon almost all ranks of men in the
country who loved and venerated the Constitution.
The right hon. gentleman had said it was impossible
to have happened. They all knew that there were
certain laws and Acts of Parliament which forbade
it ; but though it could not be done under the
formal sanction of the law, there were ways in which
it might have taken place, and those laws in the
minds of some persons might have been satis-
factorily evaded, and yet the fact might be equally
productive of the most alarming consequences. It
ought therefore to be cleared up."
Rolle had not calculated the full extent of Fox's
audacity.
Mr. Fox immediately rose and replied : " That
he did not deny the calumny in question merely
with regard to the effect of certain existing laws,
but he denied it in toto, in point of fact as well
VOL. i. N
194 MRS. FITZHERBERT
as law. The fact not only never could have
happened legally, but never did happen in any way
whatsoever, and had from the beginning been a base
and malicious falsehood."
Mr. Rolle then asked : " Whether in what had
fallen from the right hon. gentleman he had spoken
from direct authority."
Mr. Fox declared that "he had spoken from
direct authority."
Against a denial so sweeping there could be no
appeal. At least, so it seemed to another inde-
pendent member, Sir Edward Astley, who said : " It
gave him great pleasure to hear from such high
authority direct contradiction of a report which had
been so freely circulated in newspapers, and made
the subject of an infinite number of prints, that it
had affected a very great and general impression on
the public."
But Rolle sat silent and unbelieving. The
matter might have dropped there had not Sheridan,
who perhaps feared that Rolle would raise the sub-
ject again, tried to wring from him an admission
that he was satisfied.
Mr. Sheridan said that : " It would be extremely
unhandsome in the hon. gentleman (Mr. Rolle), who
had called upon his right hon. friend (Mr. Fox) to
say whether he spoke from direct authority or not,
to sit silent after having received so explicit an
answer."
Rolle's answer showed how little he believed Fox.
Mr. Rolle replied : " That nothing the hon. gentle-
man (Sheridan) could say would induce him to act
otherwise than to his judgment should appear to
DENIAL OF THE MARRIAGE 195
be proper. The right hon. gentleman had certainly
answered him, and the House would judge for
themselves of the propriety of the answer."
Mr. Sheridan observed that : " The hon. gentle-
man after having put a pointed question and received
an immediate answer, was bound in honour and fair-
ness either to declare that he was satisfied, or to take
some means of putting the matter into such a state
of inquiry as would satisfy him. To remain silent,
or to declare that the House would judge for them-
selves after what had passed, was neither manly nor
candid. If, therefore, the hon. gentleman did not
choose to say that he was satisfied, the House
ought to come to a resolution that it was seditious
and disloyal to propagate reports injurious to the
character of the Prince of Wales, and thus by
authority discountenance the reports."
Mr. Rolle maintained his attitude. He said
that "he had not invented these reports, but merely
said that he had heard them, and that they had
made an impression on his mind."
Mr. Pitt then felt forced to intervene on behalf
of his supporter. He observed that "he had
never heard so direct an attack upon the freedom
of debate and liberty of speech in that House
ever since he had sat in Parliament. . . . The hon.
gentleman (Mr. Sheridan), who took so warm a part
in the business on the other side of the House,
should rather be obliged to the hon. member (Mr.
Rolle) who was the first to suggest a question which
had been the means of bringing forward so explicit
a declaration on so interesting a subject, and one
which must give complete satisfaction not only
196 MRS. FITZHERBERT
to the hon. gentleman himself but to the whole
House."
Still Sheridan persevered. Perhaps he wanted
to know exactly how much Rolle knew on the subject.
Mr. Sheridan " denied that he wished to infringe
on the liberty of debate, and he would appeal to the
House whether under such circumstances it was
honourable and manly, fair or candid, for the hon.
gentleman (Mr. Rolle) to remain silent, and whether
he ought not either to declare that he was satisfied,
or to resort to means of ascertaining the facts ; for
it was adding in a tenfold degree to the malicious
falsehood which had been propagated against his
Royal Highness, to say that the Prince had autho-
rised a false denial of the fact. The right hon.
gentleman (Mr. Pitt) had himself been obliged to
assume that ' the hon. member must be satisfied
since he had never acknowledged that he was so.' "
All, however, Sheridan could wring from Rolle was
a curt answer that " the hon. gentleman had not
heard him say that he was not satisfied."
Mr. Grey then broke in to the debate. He sup-
ported Mr. Sheridan, and denounced the conduct of
Rolle to be " both unmanly and ungenerous. If that
hon. gentleman had not received complete satisfac-
tion, the House, he believed, had." Grey next
attacked Pitt for his conduct of this business, and
for " the veiled hints and menaces he had thrown
out last week."
Mr. Pitt in the most positive manner again " dis-
claimed any idea or intention of threat or menace —
he deprecated discussion of questions of so delicate
a nature, and asked every gentleman, to whom the
DENIAL OF THE MARRIAGE 197
harmony and happiness of the kingdom was dear,
to join with him in so deprecating."
At this point the subject dropped, and the House
adjourned.1
Thus was Mrs. Fitzherbert forsworn, and the
wrong done to her then was never set right in
her lifetime.
1 "Parliamentary History." Hansard, London, 1816, vol. xxvi.
CHAPTER XI
SHERIDAN'S APOLOGY
(1787)
WHO was responsible for Fox's denial in the House
of Commons of the marriage between the Prince of
Wales and Mrs. Fitzherbert? The question even
now is one of considerable difficulty. Fox's apolo-
gists declare that he must have believed what he
said to be true, as he was incapable of uttering a
falsehood. The detractors of the Prince of Wales
aver that he was wholly to blame ; in their opinion
the Prince's perfidy was double-dyed, for he not
only lied to his friend, but betrayed the wife of his
bosom. The truth will probably be found to lie be-
tween these* two extremes. Both Fox and the Prince
were in a sense responsible. There is little doubt
that when Fox declared that he spoke " with direct
authority " he alluded to the letter which the Prince
wrote to him four days before his marriage. The
Prince in his answer to Fox said : " Believe me,
the world will soon be convinced that there not only
is [not] but never was, any ground for these reports
which of late have been so malevolently circulated." l
Fox, in his speech, spoke of "malicious falsehoods "
and "malignant calumnies," thus using much the
same words as the Prince had used in his letter.
1 Letter from the Prince of Wales to Mr. Fox, December u, 1785.
108
SHERIDAN'S APOLOGY 199
It has been suggested that Fox was ignorant
of the ceremony of December 15, 1785 ; but that he
had, through the Duchess of Devonshire, heard of
the scene at Carlton House in the autumn of 1784,
when the Prince put a ring on Mrs. Fitzherbert's
finger and made her promise to become his wife,
and he had that in his mind when he denied the
marriage "in tolo, in point of fact as well as law."
But even the Carlton House scene constituted " a
sort of ceremony," and Fox had most positively
declared the marriage "never did happen in any
way whatsoever." Perhaps he thought that while
he was about this business he had better do it
thoroughly, and leave no possible pretext for the
question to be raised again. For the moment he
succeeded, for no one thought that the charge would
be met with so sweeping a denial.
Fox's triumph was short-lived. When he left the
House of Commons that same evening he strolled
up to Brooks's Club, and there he met, it is said,
Orlando Bridgeman (afterwards Lord Bradford), who
accosted him with these words : " Mr. Fox, I hear that
you have denied in the House the Prince's marriage
to Mrs. Fitzherbert. You have been misinformed ;
I was at the marriage." 1 How Fox met this it is
impossible to say. Some have represented him as
giving way to a violent outburst of indignation at
the duplicity practised upon him, and have declared
that he broke off his friendship with the Prince in
consequence, and did not speak to him for a year.
Unfortunately the facts do not bear out this theory.
Fox still continued to correspond with the Prince.
i If he were present it was outside the door.
200 MRS. FITZHERBERT
As late as May 10 (ten days after the scene in the
House of Commons) we find affectionate letters
passing between them on the subject of the Prince's
debts. If Fox had been so virtuously indignant as
his admirers represent him to have been, he would
certainly have thrown up the whole affair, and let the
Prince get his debts paid as best he could. But Fox
knew too well the unstable character of his royal
friend to have been greatly surprised at this revela-
tion of his shiftiness. He may have felt indignant
at the trick played on him, but his indignation was
probably seasoned with a cynical amusement. The
Prince's letter denying his marriage, though it was
written before the marriage took place, had served
Fox's purpose ; it had enabled him to publicly deny
the fact from " direct authority " ; it had served to
clear him and the Whig leaders from the suspicion
of having been privy to it, and it had greatly relieved
the minds of his followers in the House of Commons,
whose allegiance had been sorely strained. Sir
Gilbert Elliot, for instance, writes that he had been
much distressed by "the constitutional dangers and
doubts belonging to this most equivocal condition
of things" ; he thought the Prince had committed a
" heavy offence," all too serious to be excused " by
levity or the passions of youth." He rejoiced, there-
fore, to hear the charge denied so definitely. " Fox,"
he says, "declared by authority from the Prince, in the
fullest and most unequivocal manner, that there was
not the smallest foundation of any sort for the story
of the marriage with Mrs. Fitzherbert . . . and in
a word denied, positively from the Prince himself,
the whole of this slander in words so strong and so
SHERIDAN'S APOLOGY 201
unqualified that we must believe him. ... I think
yesterday was a very good day for the Prince, as
the story of Mrs. Fitzherbert was what staggered
great numbers. . . ." He adds: "This conversation
leaves Mrs. Fitzherbert in an awkward way ; but
for my own part I feel much better satisfied with
her conduct now than I did before " l — surely a dark
saying. Fox was too astute a politician not to be
aware of the ad vantage he had gained for himself and
his party by his uncompromising denial. Nothing
could be further from his thoughts than to sacrifice
the effect of his words by any consideration for Mrs.
Fitzherbert. The burden of the falsehood did not
rest on his shoulders, but on those of the Prince.
The Prince found the burden heavy enough.
During the progress of the debate in the House of
Commons on the eventful evening of April 30, the
Prince was kept informed of all that passed. Mes-
sengers were continually going to and fro between
Carlton House and Westminster. Immediately the
debate was over, Sheridan and Grey went to see
him. They must have told him of Fox's denial of
the marriage, though they probably did not tell him
of the strong words which Fox had used. The
Prince seems to have acquiesced without protest ; he
was glad that the danger was over. We find him
writing to Fox at twelve o'clock the same evening,
making an appointment to see him next morning.
"April 30, 1787,
Monday night, 12 o'clock,
" MY DEAR CHARLES, — I beg to see you for five
minutes to-morrow after I have seen Marsham and
1 " Life and Letters of Sir Gilbert Elliot," op. cit.
202 MRS. FITZHERBERT
Powys, whom I beg you will desire to be at Carlton
House at one o'clock to-morrow. When I see
you I will relate to you what has passed between
my Friend and me relative to ye seeing you. I
feel more comfortable by Sheridan and Grey's
account of what has passed to-day. I have had a
distant insinuation that some sort of message, or
terms, are to be proposed to me to-morrow. If
you come a little after two you will be sure to find
me. — Ever affectionately yours,
" GEORGE P."
From this letter it would seem that the Prince
took, or affected to take, the matter lightly. The
thought uppermost was not the betrayal of Mrs.
Fitzherbert, but the payment of his debts. All the
same, the Prince was not easy in his mind as to
how Mrs. Fitzherbert would take the news, and he
certainly did a wise thing in telling her of it himself
at the earliest opportunity. Mrs. Fitzherbert had
then no town-house, and was staying " with her
friend and relative the Hon. Mrs. Butler." " The
Prince," we are told, "called the morning after the
denial of the marriage in the House of Commons
by Mr. Fox. He went up to Mrs. Fitzherbert, and
taking hold of both her hands and caressing her,
said, ' Only conceive, Maria, what Fox did yesterday.
He went down to the House and denied that you
and I were man and wife ! Did you ever hear of
such a thing ? ' Mrs. Fitzherbert made no reply,
but changed countenance and turned pale."1 She
knew instinctively that her fate was sealed, and what
1 Langdale, op. tit.
SHERIDAN'S APOLOGY 203
this public repudiation meant to her. Her silence
doubtless moved the Prince more than any words.
Tears were always ready to spring to his eyes and
vows and protestations to his lips. He proceeded
to disavow Fox to her and all his works.
The denial of the marriage was serious enough in
itself, but when, later in the day, Mrs. Fitzherbert
became aware of the terms in which Fox had made
that denial, and how he had left her no loophole to
escape from a shameful situation, compromising
alike her religion and her honour, her indignation
and reproaches knew no bounds. She saw herself
not only cruelly betrayed, but publicly degraded.
"This public degradation of Mrs. Fitzherbert,"
says Lord Stourton, "so compromised her char-
acter and religion, and irritated her feelings, that
she determined to break off all connection with the
Prince, and she was only induced to receive him
again into her confidence, by repeated assurances
that Mr. Fox had never been authorised to make
the declaration ; and the friends of Mrs. Fitzherbert
assured her, that, in this discrepancy as to the
assertion of Mr. Fox and the Prince, she was bound
to accept the word of her husband." l
Mrs. Fitzherbert's dislike of Fox now deepened
1 " I told her," adds Lord Stourton, " that I understood there was a
scrap of paper from the Prince to Mr. Fox ; that Sir John Throck-
morton, a friend of his, had assured me of the fact of the Prince's
wishing much to obtain possession of it ; but though written on a
dirty scrap of paper, it was much too valuable to be parted with. She
said that she rather doubted the fact " (Langdale's " Memoir," in
which is incorporated Lord Stourton's " Narrative "). This scrap of
paper was probably the letter which the Prince had written to Fox
previous to his marriage, and which was found among Fox's papers
after his death.
204 MRS. FITZHERBERT
into abhorrence, and she vowed that she never
could, or would, forgive him. "She said," writes
Sir Philip Francis, who later tried to make peace
between them, " that, by his unauthorised declara-
tion in the House of Commons, he had rolled her in
the kennel like a street-walker ; that he knew that
every word he said was a lie ; and so on, in a torrent
of virulence which it was vain for me to encounter,
so I gave up the point and made my retreat as well
and as fast as I could." l
Nor did she forgive the Prince easily, though he
swore to her that Fox had acted entirely without
his authority. This of course was untrue, but it
was true that he had no idea that Fox would use
language so unnecessarily strong. When the Prince
heard it he was greatly annoyed, and was eager to
make all possible amends. He sent for Grey, who
found the Prince tremendously agitated, and pacing
in a hurried manner up and down the room. He at
once explained his object in sending for Grey. It
was to induce him to frame some sort of explana-
tion for Fox's denial of his marriage the previous
evening — to modify in some way the terms of that
denial, so that Mrs. Fitzherbert might be pacified.
" Charles certainly went too far last night," he said.
"You, my dear Grey, shall explain it," and then
in distinct tones,2 though with prodigious agitation,
owned that a ceremony had taken place. Grey
observed that Fox must unquestionably suppose that
he had authority for all he said ; and that if there
1 " Memoirs of Sir Philip Francis."
2 "As Grey," adds Lord Holland, "has since the Prince's (George
IV.'s) death assured me."
RICHARD BRINSLEY SHERIDAN
(After the Painting by Sir JOSHUA REYNOLDS)
SHERIDAN'S APOLOGY 205
had been any mistake it could only be rectified by
his Royal Highness speaking to Fox himself, and
setting him right on such matters as had been
misunderstood between them.1 " No other person
can," he added, "be employed without questioning
Mr. Fox's veracity, which nobody, I presume, is
prepared to do." But to discuss the matter with
Fox was the last thing the Prince desired. Grey
probably knew this, and like all the Prince's friends
he was delighted at the public denial of the marriage,
whether it were true or untrue. He says, " I
expressly told him (the Prince) how prejudicial the
continuance of the discussion must be to him, and
positively refused to do what he wished." This
refusal "chagrined, disappointed, and agitated the
Prince exceedingly." He terminated the interview
abruptly and threw himself on a sofa, muttering,
"Well, if nobody else will, Sheridan must." The
Prince never forgave Grey for his refusal and
the implied rebuke, and nearly half a century later,
when Grey was the powerful Minister and the
Prince was King, there still existed a coolness
between them.
The Prince sent for the pliant Sheridan, who
readily promised to smooth away the effect of Fox's
words as soon as occasion arose, and with that
promise the Prince had to be content. To Fox he
said nothing. Annoyed though he was with him
for his excess of zeal, he was much too useful to
quarrel with at such a crisis. He must wait, at
any rate, until Fox had secured the payment of his
debts by Parliament.
1 " Memoirs of the Whig Party," by Lord Holland.
206 MRS. FITZHERBERT
This matter proceeded apace. Both the King
and Pitt felt that the bold stand taken by the Prince
and his friends had cut the ground from beneath
their feet. The Prince's necessities had extorted
from him a complete denial of the marriage, and
the King's own measure, the Royal Marriage Act,
had not been openly set at defiance. The price
had been paid. What mattered it that its pay-
ment involved the sacrifice of a woman's honour?
The King was now all complacence. Pitt sent a
gracious message to the Prince full of explanations
and apologies, to which the Prince haughtily replied
in much the same terms as before, "He did not
receive verbal messages, but if the Minister had
any business with him he might come himself."
This might have led to further unpleasantness had
not the Duchess of Gordon diplomatically arranged
matters. Pitt came to see the Prince and assured
him of his goodwill. Compliments passed on both
sides, and then Pitt went to the King. A Cabinet
Council was held, and a message was sent to the
Prince, that his wishes would be complied with.
On the strength of this assurance, on May 4,
Alderman Newnham withdrew his motion in the
House of Commons. We read : * —
"As soon as Mr. Pitt came into the House a
profound silence took place, although there were
upwards of four hundred members assembled. Mr.
Alderman Newnham rose and said : —
" * Sir, I am extremely happy that the motion
which I was to have had the honour of making
1 "Parliamentary History," vol. xxvi., 1786-1788, from which the
following quotations are taken.
SHERIDAN'S APOLOGY 207
to-day is no longer necessary, and it is with a most
sincere and heartfelt satisfaction that I inform the
House that I decline bringing it forward.'
" Expressions of joy and satisfaction were heard
on all sides. Mr. Drake began with saying that 'as
he was one who had joined his feeble voice' — as
Mr. Drake had a most powerful voice, and always
spoke uncommonly loud, there was a universal roar
of laughter, in which Mr. Drake, with equal good
humour, joined, then rallied by saying that 'un-
doubtedly his voice was not feeble by nature, but
most feeble when weighed with the little importance
of the person who possessed it. But he joined his
hearty voice in congratulation, and declared his un-
feigned joy in what had occurred. The excessive
gladness of his heart was superior to eloquence, and
the pleasantness of his sensations almost deprived
him of the power of uttering his sentences intel-
ligibly.'
"Mr. Pitt 'readily concurred in the joy which
the hon. gentleman expressed.' Mr. Fox said ' that
all must feel the highest satisfaction ; but he added
that it would remain to be seen by substantial acts
whether their motion were necessary or not.' Mr.
Rolle introduced into the general harmony a jarring
note. ' He tempered his satisfaction by observing
that if it should hereafter appear that any concession
had been made, humiliating to the country or dis-
honourable in itself, he would be the first man to
stand up and stigmatise it as it deserved.' Mr. Pitt
1 assured him that it was not so.* "
Then Sheridan rose for the purpose of carrying
out the delicate and difficult task with which the
208 MRS. FITZHERBERT
Prince had entrusted him. He was " to say some-
thing " which, while it would leave Fox's denial of
the marriage unimpaired, would yet soothe the
irritated feelings of Mrs. Fitzherbert. To do this
without bringing up Rolle was a feat which taxed
even the ingenuity of Sheridan. However, he got
through it creditably.
Mr. Sheridan began by saying that : "He could
not but believe that there existed on that day
but one feeling and one sentiment in the House,
that of heartfelt satisfaction at the auspicious con-
clusion to which the business was understood to
be brought . . . Mr. Sheridan, however, wished it
to be understood that though his Royal Highness
felt the most perfect satisfaction at the prospect
before him . . . yet did he also desire it to be
distinctly remembered that no attempt had at any
time been made to screen any part of his conduct,
actions, or situation, from their view ; that he even
offered to answer himself (in the House of Lords)
any question that might be put to him. That no
such idea had been pursued, that no such inquiry
had been adopted, was a point which did credit to
the decorum and dignity of Parliament." [So far all
had been plain sailing, but now Sheridan came to
the most delicate part of his task.] Mr. Sheridan
continued : " But while his Royal Highness's feel-
ings had been doubtless considered on the occasion,
he must take the liberty of saying, however much
some might think it a subordinate considera-
tion, that there was another Person entitled in
every honourable and delicate mind to the same
attention, whom he would not otherwise attempt to
SHERIDAN'S APOLOGY 209
describe, or allude to, except to affirm that ignorance
or vulgar malice alone could have persevered in
attempting to injure one on whose conduct truth
could fix no just reproach, and whose character
claimed, and was entitled to, the truest and most
general respect."
Sheridan's words made a sensation in the House,
but the accounts of how they were received differ.
His speech was followed, we are told in one
account, by a murmur of general approval, and
his remarks were felt to be in the best of taste.
On the other hand, Daniel Pulteney writes to the
Duke of Rutland the same day,1 May 4, 1787:
"What Mrs. Fitzherbert can do in her present
embarrassed situation I cannot pretend to guess,
but Sheridan attempted, very foolishly, to repair
the statement respecting the marriage by saying
to-day in the House her situation was ' truly respec-
table,' at which every one smiled."
Sheridan's explanation or apology, call it what
we will, served to throw doubt on Fox's denial.
It has been well said : " Mr. Fox had declared that
a lady living with the Prince to all exterior appear-
ance in the habits of matrimonial connection had
not the sanction of any canonical forms to support
her ; whilst, on the other hand, Sheridan reversed
the picture, by representing her as a paragon of
chastity, the possessor of every virtue, and the
ornament of her sex."
Fox could not have been well pleased to hear
Sheridan's encomiums. But where women were
concerned, he was always a cynic, and he appears
1 Rutland MSS., op. cit.
VOL. I. O
210 MRS. FITZHERBERT
to have felt it his duty to let Sheridan's speech make
no difference in his course of action, and to do his
best to secure the payment of the Prince's debts.
These debts were settled a few weeks later, after
some further hesitation and delay, due, Pitt after-
wards said, to the shiftiness of the King. George
III. succeeded in the end in shelving the greater
portion of them off his shoulders on to Parliament.
A fresh schedule was prepared for the King "with
the debts of honour left out," and on May 21, 1787,
the Prime Minister brought down to the House
the royal message recommending a discharge of the
Prince of Wales's embarrassments on the strength
of a " well-grounded expectation " that he would
not contract debts in future. The House of
Commons, in response, voted .£161,000 in pay-
ment of the Prince's debts and ,£60,000 for the
completion of Carlton House. The King on his
part agreed to give the Prince another £10,000 a
year out of his own Civil List.
The Prince hailed this relief with delight, though
the increase to his income was too small to be of
any real use, and the sum voted for Carlton House
was only a third of what was necessary, and there
was no grant for his new Pavilion at Brighton.
But he probably regarded the Parliamentary grant
only as an instalment which would serve to tide
him over his present difficulty.
The prodigal son was now taken back to the
paternal fold, and that all might see that peace
was restored to the royal family, the reconciliation
between the Prince of Wales and his parents was
as public as their quarrel. The chief personages
SHERIDAN'S APOLOGY 211
in the Prince's household attended the drawing-
room on May 24, and the King and Queen received
them with great affability. The next day the
Prince had an interview with the King of three
hours' duration, after which he was presented to
his mother and sisters ; everything was forgiven
and all was harmony.
By Mrs. Fitzherbert the Prince was also forgiven,
but she did not yield without difficulty. Sheridan's
speech in the House of Commons, though it had
soothed her wounded feelings, had not satisfied her.
How could it do so? How could anything do so
short of an avowal of the marriage as public as
the denial ? But even she saw that the political
exigencies of the situation made this impossible.
Her first thought was to break off all connection
with the Prince, and had she consulted her own
dignity and happiness she would have done so.
For a time she would not see him, and he became
quite ill from the agitation brought on by her
refusal. He had one of his violent paroxysms, and
had to be bled. Alarming rumours were circulated
about his health, of course greatly exaggerated.
" He is better to-day, but still in great danger,"
wrote Thomas Orde to the Duke of Rutland, May
28, I787.1 The Prince vowed he would kill him-
self unless Mrs. Fitzherbert forgave him. These
manoeuvres had the effect of persuading her —
perhaps she was willing to be persuaded — that
the Prince was not really to blame in the matter
at all, it was all the work of the wicked Fox.
She yielded to the Prince's prayers and to the
1 Rutland MSS., op. cit.
212 MRS. FITZHERBERT
entreaties of their friends, and a reconciliation took
place ; but though of a forgiving disposition, she
absolutely refused to forgive Fox, and made it a
condition that she should not be forced to meet
him. This the Prince could promise with safety,
for Fox, disgusted with what he considered to be
the Prince's ingratitude, and not caring to face
Mrs. Fitzherbert, absented himself from Carlton
House, and later went abroad.
Short of a public disavowal of Fox's speech the
Prince did everything to cast a doubt upon the
lie told in Parliament. It was understood among
Mrs. Fitzherbert's intimates and his own, that
the denial had been made for political purposes
only, and, taking their cue from their royal master,
the minions of Carlton House went about every-
where whispering that Fox had exceeded his in-
structions.
The reconciliation between the Prince and Mrs.
Fitzherbert seems to have been effected after a few
weeks, for Lord Ailesbury writes, May 25 : "I met
the Prince of Wales, as I went past the Queen's
House, in his phaeton, in which I understood he
took Mrs. Fitzherbert to Epsom races, and on his
return, after a cold dinner, he was at the Duchess
of Gordon's ball, where my daughter saw him dance.
Mrs. Fitzherbert danced a good deal."1
Again we read of a grand ball and supper at Sir
Sampson and Lady Gideon's. At supper Mrs.
Fitzherbert sat with the Prince at the head of the
table between her host and hostess. It was noticed
1 "Diary of Thomas, Earl of Ailesbury." Ailesbury MSS. His-
torical MSS. Commission, vol. ii.
SHERIDAN'S APOLOGY 213
that she wore white roses in her hair and at her
breast ; all her intimate friends were present, and
the company vied with each other in paying her
homage. This supper was facetiously known as the
" Feast of Reconciliation." Such was the belief in the
goodness of her character that she gained respect
rather than lost it by 'Fox's denial of her marriage.
" She informed me," wrote Lord Stourton, " that the
public supported her by their conduct on this occa-
sion ; for at no part of her life were their visits so
numerous at her house as on the day which followed
Mr. Fox's memorable speech ; and, to use her own
expression, the knocker of her door was never
still during the whole day." She was generally
regarded as a cruelly injured woman, the victim of
political expediency, Not only did her friends, like
the Duchess of Cumberland and the Duchess of
Devonshire, hasten to show their sympathy, but
the Duchess of Portland, who had hitherto held
aloof, and whose husband had quarrelled with the
Prince, now called on Mrs. Fitzherbert, and asked
her to her house. By so doing she showed to all
that neither she nor the Duke believed what
Fox had said. Lord and Lady Sefton, who
had hitherto avoided Mrs. Fitzherbert since her
marriage, followed suit. The Tory Duchess of
Gordon, a great friend of Pitt's and of Queen
Charlotte's, loudly proclaimed that Fox had lied,
and showed her belief in Mrs. Fitzherbert by
inviting her to the ball already mentioned. The
Duke of Gloucester, the King's brother, who,
with his Duchess, was at Florence, wrote to Mrs.
Fitzherbert a little note, and sent her a present,
2i4 MRS. FITZHERBERT
which, coming at this time, was of great signifi-
cance : —
H.R.H. The Duke of Gloucester y to
Mrs. Fitzherbert.
" FLORENCE, May 24, 1787.
"DEAR MADAM, — I take the opportunity of a
private hand to desire your acceptance of a Cestus,
done in oyster shell. I hope you will think it
pretty. Pray send us by the safest opportunity
some account to trust to of the present negotiation.
I hope the Prince will be made easy in his affairs.
I sincerely hope you are happy and well, for I
know you deserve it. I remain, dear Madam, your
humble Servant,
" WILLIAM HENRY." x
Thus the King's two brothers and their wives,
and some of the greatest ladies of society, on both
sides of politics, showed their sympathy with Mrs.
Fitzherbert in this crisis, and no doubt it was their
support which enabled her to bear with admirable
temper and dignity the cruel imputation which had
been cast upon her. The old Roman Catholic
families, which included some of the greatest names
in the peerage, rallied round her. They considered
that she had been made to suffer on account of her
religion. Even those who had though ther impru-
dent and unwise in consenting to such a marriage
supported her now that the fact of the marriage
was called into question. To the Archbishop of
1 This letter was found among Mrs. Fitzherbert's papers after her
death.
SHERIDAN'S APOLOGY 215
Canterbury it all seemed "very odd," particularly
as he noted " the lady is more received than ever
she was, and stands more forward." To those who
accepted Fox's denial it was naturally "odd."
Though these were few in London society, among
the general public they were numerous. And from
them Mrs. Fitzherbert had to run the gauntlet of
much ignorant criticism and public odium. Gillray
published (May 21, 1787) a political print entitled
" Dido Forsaken. Sic transit Gloria Reginae"
Mrs. Fitzherbert, grasping a crucifix, is seated all
forlorn on a rock. A breeze blown by Pitt and
Dundas carries away her coronet and feathers, as
Princess of Wales. In a boat named Honour,
bound for Windsor, sail away the Prince, Fox, who
steers, Lord North, and Burke. The Prince says,
" I never saw her in my life." Fox cries, "No,
never in his life, damme." Burke and North echo,
" No, never." On the ground lie fetters, an axe,
rods, and a harrow " for the conversion of heretics"
— another allusion to Mrs. Fitzherbert's religion,
which, indeed, was the prime cause of all her
troubles.
A great many ill-informed articles appeared in
the English papers, unnecessary to be quoted here,
but a French paper, Le Courier de I' Europe, which
was supposed to represent in some measure the
views of the foreign courts, contained the follow-
ing venomous paragraph : — " La fable du pretendu
marriage de S.A. Mgr. le Prince de Galles, a
enfin ete expliquee en plein Parlement de maniere
a ne plus laisser de doute. C'est une explication,
qui est d'autant plus facheuse pour Mad. Fitz. que
2i6 MRS. FITZHERBERT
Ton a suppos6 des liens entre S.A.R. et cette dame
pour lesquels on n'avoit pas encore prononc^s.
Jusqu'ici Mad. F. a etait re9ue dans toutes les
societ^s, ou 6toit invit6 le Prince, mais il ne sera
guere possible aujourd'hui qu'elle jouisse les m£mes
avantages, a moins que cette premiere explication
n'en entraine une autre et que la pretendue intimite
de S.A.R. ne soit presentee sous couleurs admis-
sibles en bonne compagnie."
This paper, it will be seen, made no allusion to
Sheridan's apology. In any case its forecast was
wrong. Mrs. Fitzherbert was more generally re-
ceived than before.
CHAPTER XII
A QUEEN OF HEARTS
(1787—1789)
THE Prince and Mrs. Fitzherbert left London
earlier than usual this year (1787). The first days
of July found them at Brighton, the Prince at his
Pavilion, and Mrs. Fitzherbert at her little house
hard by. They were followed by a numerous com-
pany. Marvellous was the change which every
year now wrought in Brighton. This year it was
filled to overflowing : not a house or lodging was to
be had, and its virtues as a health resort were ex-
tolled to the skies. "We have never seen H.R.H.
in better health or more buoyant spirits than in
his evening walks on the Steine," writes a journal ;
" his company on these promenades, exclusive of
the gentlemen of his suite, was Mrs. Fptzherbert],
the Countess of Talbot, and Lady Stowell."1 The
Prince and Mrs. Fitzherbert promenaded daily on
the Steine, which was the meeting-place of all the
Prince's friends. Brighton was fast becoming the
favourite resort of many families of distinction, who
took houses there, such as the Marlborough family,
the Duke of Grafton (of "Junius" notoriety), the
Tankervilles, the Downshires, the Clares, and the
Duke of Bedford. The Prince often appeared on
1 Morning Herald^ July 24, 1787.
217
2i 8 MRS. FITZHERBERT
the Steine leaning on the arm of the Duke, who
was a great friend both of the Prince and of Mrs.
Fitzherbert.
The Prince indulged in healthy pleasures.
Cricket was one of his favourite pastimes this
year, and many were the matches played in the
Pavilion Gardens. Every morning, weather per-
mitting, the Prince bathed in the sea, and his
swimming was superintended by an amphibious
old sailor called Smoker. The following anecdote
of Smoker has come down to us : — A boisterous
night was succeeded by a very rough sea, and the
waves broke upon the beach with great violence.
The Prince notwithstanding repaired to his usual
bathing-place, where Smoker was waiting to re-
ceive him. " I shall bathe this morning, Smoker."
" No, no, your Royal Highness," replied Smoker,
" it is too dangerous." " But I will," said the Prince,
and was proceeding towards the machine, when
the doughty Smoker stepped in front of him, and
putting himself in a boxing attitude (for the fellow
could box as well as he could swim), expostulated
with the Prince as follows : " Come, come, this
won't do. I'll be damned if you shall bathe. What
do you think your royal father would think of me
if you were drowned? He would say, 'This is all
owing to you, Smoker. If you had taken proper
care of him, poor George would still be alive.' " 1
The Prince good-naturedly desisted. He often
related the anecdote to his friends.
Smoker had his counterpart in Martha Gunn, the
1 "Brighton in the Olden Time (pamphlet}, By an Inhabitant
thereof."
MARTHA GUNN
THE BRIGHTON BATHING-WOMAN
WELTJE
THE PRINCE'S COOK AND MAJOR-DOMO
A QUEEN OF HEARTS 219
celebrated bathing- woman of Brighton, who superin-
tended the marine ablutions of many beautiful ladies,
among others of Mrs. Fitzherbert, whom she always
addressed as " Mrs. Prince." Martha Gunn was in
high favour with the Prince, who often joked with
her on the subject of her calling with more wit than
delicacy. Martha was what was known as a " ticket
holder," and she had the traditional right of entry to
the royal kitchen at the Pavilion, where she was
always well treated. The following story is told
of one of her visits : " When in the kitchen one
afternoon Martha was presented with a pound of
butter. The Prince at that moment was seen
entering the kitchen, and Martha, whispering to the
servants, quickly deposited the butter in her pocket.
This little bit of legerdemain was, doubtless, ob-
served by the Prince ; and, being ripe for a joke,
he speedily entered into conversation with Martha,
getting the ' butter side ' of her, and edging her
nearer and nearer to the great kitchen fire. It
was a sad dilemma. The Prince kept talking, and
the butter kept melting! But the venerable dame
— whose rueful countenance doubtless betrayed her
sensations — was afraid to move. External evidence
on the floor, however, soon after showed the Prince
that his design was accomplished, and he bade the
old lady 'good day.' The internal evidence he
was contented to leave to Martha herself. What
this was may be imagined, but deponent sayeth
not."1
Despite his love of a practical joke, occasionally
1 "The Brighton Pavilion and its Royal Associations." By J. G.
Bishop.
220 MRS. FITZHERBERT
at his servants' expense, the Prince was adored by
all his retainers for his friendliness and kindly in-
terest in their welfare. No master ever had more
devoted servants than he.
Of the Prince's kindness to his servants there are
many anecdotes. Once at Brighton a stable-boy
named Tom Croys had been dismissed by the head
groom for stealing oats. Going round his stables
one day the Prince noticed the boy was gone, and
inquired the cause. When he was told, he was ex-
tremely angry that any one in his service should be
dismissed without his knowledge, and commanded
that the boy should be sent for. The boy, tears
trickling down his face, was brought before his
royal master. The Prince reprimanded him, asked
if it were a first offence, and then said : " Tom, if
you are taken back to my stables again, can I trust
you ? " The boy promised amendment. Then said
the Prince : "Go back and recover your character.
Be diligent, be honest, and make me your friend ;
and, hark 'ee, Tom, I will take care that no one
shall ever taunt you with what is passed." The
boy went back, and became an honest and trust-
worthy servant.
Mrs. Fitzherbert received the warmest welcome
this year at Brighton. No one believed Fox's
denial of her marriage, and every one was anxious,
by increased respect, to make amends for the wrong
done her. The public repudiation "in the House of
Commons," wrote an old Brighton habitut in after
years, "did not appear to have any more effect upon
the Brighton community than it produced on herself.
High authorities in the fashionable world — con-
A QUEEN OF HEARTS 221
fidential friends of the lady — mysteriously intimated
a knowledge that the denial was a sham, and as
the heir-apparent still continued to be accessible by
paying attention to her, the excitement respecting
Mrs. Fitzherbert and the Prince remained unabated.
... I can recall her to mind at this time," continues
the writer, "radiant in her brilliant loveliness — her
delicate features, her pure complexion, her exquisite
brown eyes, her serene expression, combining to
produce a face that impressed every spectator with
a delightful sense of amiability and tenderness ;
while her figure, set off to the best advantage by
the costume of the time, was always distinguishable
from those of the aristocratic beauties by whom she
was generally surrounded, by its singular dignity
and grace. Though nobody ventured to call her
1 Princess,' every one of her innumerable admirers
of both sexes enthroned her as a queen. She was
recognised as the ' Queen of Hearts ' throughout
the length and breadth of fast-increasing Brighton,
and a more loyal people it was impossible for a
Sovereign to have. They honoured her, they almost
worshipped her. Proud was the aspirant of Fashion
who succeeded in obtaining her notice in public ;
honoured the devotee of gentility who could boast
the least acquaintance with her in private. To be
invited to meet her at the palatial Pavilion was
acknowledged to be a covetable distinction, but
to be welcomed by her to her modest house was
regarded as a precious privilege. She never had
an enemy, and was constantly increasing her circle
of friends."
The late Mr. Shergold of Brighton, who died
222 MRS. FITZHERBERT
within the memory of many, has also given an
enthusiastic account of Mrs. Fitzherbert as she
appeared about this period.
" I have seen Mrs. Fitzherbert," he writes, "many
a time and oft. Once I had the pleasure to see
that beautiful creature in a way that made a deep
impression on me. I was going from Castle Square
towards the Steine, and had just arrived at the
corner of the Castle Tavern, and was turning, when
Mrs. Fitzherbert, accompanied by her brother, Mr.
Smythe, appeared. I was then about eighteen, a
very susceptible age, when a man feels the beauty of
woman, the beauty of art, the beauty of poetry, the
beauty of everything really beautiful, if ever he
feels it at all. The lady was walking — the day was
splendid, the sun was at its meridian — there was not
a cloud. All this I remember well, and I remember
well also, that at the moment the most beautiful
object in the world seemed to be Mrs. Fitzherbert.
Had I seen the lady sitting or standing I should
doubtless have thought her beautiful ; but her fine
and graceful person was in motion — her countenance,
at all times singularly expressive, was unusually
animated by the fineness of the weather, and, as
she came suddenly upon me, with all her personal
attractions heightened by the same adventitious
setting-off, I saw her more than usually beautiful.
. . . She was a woman who needed nothing but a
diadem to make her a queen."
Mrs. Fitzherbert was in fact the recognised queen
of the fashionable society in Brighton. All who
went there paid her court. This was so well under-
stood that the Duke of Rutland, who was Lord-
A QUEEN OF HEARTS 223
Lieutenant of Ireland, wrote from Dublin to his
Duchess1 not to go to Brighton, as in that event
the Prince of Wales would ask her to visit Mrs. Fitz-
herbert, " which I would have you avoid, but I hear it
is indispensable with him, so you had better be silent
on that head until he asks you — if he should do so
at all — and then I think your state of health will be a
good excuse."2 And again : " If you go to bathe in
the sea, do not go to Brighthelmstone, because you
will be under a difficulty about Mrs. Fitzherbert."
But the Duchess did not heed her lord. She
was a stately beauty of the type of a Grecian god-
dess, haughty and very self-willed. We find her in
July at Brighton, and the Duke still writing (July
29), " I hope you will not find embarrassment
about Mrs. Fitzherbert." So far from suffering
any " embarrassment," we find the Duchess joining
the Prince's select party at the Lewes races, a
party which included Mrs. Fitzherbert, the Duke
and Duchess of Cumberland, and the Princesse
de Lamballe, " who was particularly distinguished
through the day by the enviable attentions of the
Duke of Queensberry," 3 Lord and Lady Aberga-
venny, the Countess of Talbot, Lord Clermont, &c.
One night early in August, when the Prince was
supping at the Pavilion, seated between the Prin-
cesse de Lamballe and Mrs. Fitzherbert, the news
1 Mary Isabella, daughter of the fourth Duke of Beaufort, m. 1775,
Charles, fourth Duke of Rutland, K.G., Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland,
who died at Dublin later in the same year, 1 787. The Duke's objections,
it may be noted, were official rather than personal, the Duchess
being the wife of the Viceroy.
2 Rutland MSS., op. at.
3 The Morning Herald, August 6, 1787.
224 MRS. FITZHERBERT
came to him that his brother Frederick, Duke of
York, had come back to England from the Con-
tinent after a banishment of seven years. The
Prince at once posted off to Windsor to welcome
his brother. The Duke had been sent into exile
shortly before his elder brother came of age, be-
cause, in the King's opinion, the brothers acted
and reacted badly on one another. The experiment
had not succeeded in the case of the Duke of York,
for he i achieved at Osnabruck, Hanover, and Paris,
a reputation for wildness, so great as to astonish
even Mirabeau. His reputation was probably exag-
gerated— it was certainly belied by his appearance.
There is a picture of him by Sir Joshua Reynolds at
this time which depicts him as a tall, slim youth, with
a slight stoop, delicate features, and a refined, sen-
sitive mouth. There is nothing in the picture of the
grossness which makes itself apparent in the better-
known portraits of the Duke in later life.
The Duke of York, despite his failings, which were
those of most young princes of his age, had many
fine qualities. Like the rest of George III.'s sons,
he was handsome, high-spirited, and good-hearted.
His manners lacked the grace and courtesy of those
of the Prince of Wales. He was brusque, boisterous,
and broad in conversation, but he was more truthful
than his elder brother, more straightforward, more
sincere, and he never forsook a friend. He made
many mistakes in later life, but his friends loved
him, and one said of him that " he always had the
instincts of an English gentleman." He was the
favourite son of George III., who was never tired
of contrasting him favourably with the Prince of
A QUEEN OF HEARTS 225
Wales. One wonders, if he were so fond of him,
why he ever sent him away. The description of
his home-coming is Arcadian in its display of family
affection ; the happy father embraced his long
absent son, the Queen and her daughters joined
in the raptures. The Prince of Wales had posted
all through the night from Brighton, and when he
reached Windsor the meeting between the brothers,
we are told, was " most affecting." After regarding
one another for a moment in silence they embraced,
and the Prince was moved to tears. Separation
had only strengthened their fraternal affection, and
it was soon apparent that if the Duke of York had
to choose between his father and his elder brother
he would throw in his lot unhesitatingly with the
latter.
As soon as the family gathering at Windsor
broke up the Prince took his long-lost brother to
Brighton and introduced him to Mrs. Fitzherbert.
Thus began a friendship which lasted through life ;
the Duke formed a high idea of Mrs. Fitzherbert's
character and judgment. He must early have
known that some form of marriage had taken place
between her and his brother, and a less honour-
able man might have turned the knowledge to his
advantage. The Duke was, as Fox reminded the
Prince of Wales in his memorable letter, the King's
favourite son, and the next after him in succession
to the throne. It was a disputed legal point whether
the Royal Marriage Act abrogated the clause in the
Act of Settlement which made the Prince who con-
tracted a marriage with a Roman Catholic ineligible
for the succession, but whether it did, or did not,
VOL. i. p
226 MRS. FITZHERBERT
the Duke of York, stout Protestant though he was,
never raised the question. He was the last man in
the world to betray a confidence, or to push forward
his own interests at the expense of those of his
brother. He had a sincere regard and affection for
Mrs. Fitzherbert also, and would never willingly do
anything to cause her pain. He invariably treated
her with that deference and respect which a man,
however dissolute he may be, shows, if he is a
gentleman, to a good woman. Later, the Duke of
York rendered Mrs. Fitzherbert material service,
by becoming a medium of communication between
her and his parents. But that was not yet, for
the King and Queen still regarded her coldly, and
were anxious that all connection between her and
the Prince should be broken off.
There were great rejoicings at Brighton during
the summer that followed the Duke's return. The
Prince celebrated his birthday at the Pavilion by a
sumptuous entertainment, and in the evening the
town was illuminated. But the gaiety never de-
generated into license, and Mrs. Fitzherbert's good
influence continued as strong as ever. This im-
provement was noted with great candour by the
press. " The Prince of Wales gains many hearts
by his affability and good-humour. His company is
much better than it used to be, and he is certainly
more sober in his libations to Bacchus. Mrs. Fitz-
herbert looks more elegant than ever. One could
indeed hardly help exclaiming with the army of
Mahomet II., when he showed them his Irene,
' Such a woman is worth a kingdom.' " *
1 Morning Post) August 9, 1787
FREDERICK, DUKE OF YORK AND BISHOP OF
OSNABRUCK
A QUEEN OF HEARTS 227
Though Mrs. Fitzherbert was much attached to
the Duke of York, it may be feared that his return
after a while rather added to her trials than helped
her. The royal brothers, in their joy at being
re-united, when they got to London, plunged once
more into riotous gaiety. Mrs. Fitzherbert suffered
much in consequence, not only on the Prince's
account but her own, for her natural refinement
recoiled from these scenes of revelry. She was also
subject at this time to annoyance from the fanati-
cism of the half-crazed Lord George Gordon, who
had fomented the Gordon riots in 1780, which had
been indirectly responsible for the death of Mrs.
Fitzherbert' s second husband. He now again tor-
mented her because of her reported marriage to
the Prince of Wales. He was at this time being
prosecuted for a libel he had circulated concerning
the Queen of France. He dragged into his defence,
with a view of inflaming popular passion, the Prince
of Wales's " Papistical wife," of whom he spoke
with great freedom, and said that he desired her to
attend the court and give evidence. When he was
asked for what reason he wished Mrs. Fitzherbert
to appear in court, he replied that he had had a
conversation with her in Paris a few years ago
concerning some intrigue between the French and
British Courts, and he wished to substantiate what
he had said. Of course Mrs. Fitzherbert refused
to appear, but nothing daunted, Lord George called
at her house in London and tried to serve a
subpoena on her. He was turned out of doors
by her servants, and he was also threatened with
chastisement by her brother if he molested her
228 MRS. FITZHERBERT
further. The threat had its effect, for he did not go
to her house again. But he wrote the following
letter to Mr. Pitt : —
Lord George Gordon to the Right Hon.
William Pitt, M.P.
"SiR, — Mr. Walter Smythe, brother to Mrs.
Fitzherbert, came to my house in Welbeck Street
this morning, accompanied by Mr. Acton, to be
present whilst he informed me that he would call
me to an account if I went to Mrs. Fitzherbert's
house again, or wrote to her, or to him, or took
liberties with their names in public, as Mrs. Fitz-
herbert was very much alarmed when my name
was mentioned. I answered, that I looked upon
this as a threatening visit ; but that I must yet apply
to Mrs. Fitzherbert, or himself, or Sir Carnaby
Haggerston as often as I found occasion, till a
written answer was sent to me concerning the
proper title of their sister, just as if he had not
called upon me. Some other conversation passed
respecting the marriage ; but this was the substance
and result of the whole. I think it my duty to
inform you, as Prime Minister, that you may be
apprised of, and communicate to the House of
Commons, the overbearing disposition of the
Papists. I have the honour to be, Sir, your most
obedient and humble servant,
" G. GORDON.
"4<tclock, Friday, May 4, 1788."
These were trials undoubtedly, yet Mrs. Fitz-
herbert had her compensations. The Prince was
A QUEEN OF HEARTS 229
still devotedly attached to her, and her wishes were
his law.
The year which followed (1788-1789), may be
regarded as marking the highest point of her in-
fluence over the Prince. Her enemy (as she con-
ceived him to be), Charles James Fox, was still
abroad, "disgusted," as he said, "with the political
situation," and indignant, so his friends said, at the
way in which the Prince had used him for his pur-
pose, and then given the lie to what he had stated
in the House of Commons. For by every act and
word, short of open acknowledgment of his mar-
riage, the Prince seemed desirous of mitigating
the force of Fox's declaration. He treated Mrs.
Fitzherbert with all the deference which a man
shows to his honoured wife. She was every-
where, by his command, treated with respect,
which was only second to that shown to Royalty.
He showered gifts upon her ; had she wished
it she might have had jewels worth a king's
ransom. With part of the money given him
by Parliament, the Prince took for her a mansion
in Pall Mall, and decorated and furnished it in
a style of magnificence which vied with Carlton
House, though it was modified by her taste into
a quiet and refined luxury. Here Mrs. Fitzherbert
maintained an establishment which was semi-royal.
She did not live alone ; an elderly lady of good
birth and irreproachable character, well known
to the royal family, Miss Pigot, stayed in her
house, accompanied her in public, and filled the
position of companion, or rather of lady-in-waiting.
All the wits and politicians, who were known as
230 MRS. FITZHERBERT
" the Prince's friends," paid her their homage, and
all the place-hunters craved her favour with the
Prince, recognising that she was all powerful. Yet
she never once abused the trust placed in her, never
thrust herself forward unduly, never asked for a
place or position for a friend, unless that friend
were qualified for it on other grounds than her
friendship. Through all her prosperity she never
lost her head, never presumed on her position, or
used her influence for ignoble ends ; never forgot
a friend, and was always gracious, kindly, and un-
assuming. At her house in Pall Mall she enter-
tained freely. ' Mary Frampton, who had known
her as Mrs. Weld of Lulworth, describes one of
these receptions in her "Journal": —
"When Mrs. Fitzherbert was living in Pall Mall,
within a few doors of Carlton House, we were at
one of the assemblies she gave, which was alto-
gether the most splendid I was ever at. Attendants
in green and gold, besides the usual livery servants,
were stationed in the rooms and up the staircase to
announce the company and carry about refresh-
ments, &c. The house was most beautifully fur-
nished ; one room was hung with pucked blue satin.
A whole-length picture of the Prince of Wales, and
his bust, and that of the Duke of York, ornamented
the dining-room. Her own manners ever remained
quiet, civil, and unpretending ; and in the days of
her greatest influence she was never accused of
using it improperly. The Prince and, I think, his
brother the Duke of York, came in late to the
assembly." l
1 Frampton, op. cil.
A QUEEN OF HEARTS 231
In November 1789 the Prince and Mrs. Fitz-
herbert were at Brighton, surrounded by their
friends, when news reached them of the alarming
illness of the King. Throughout the autumn,
strange rumours had been current in well-in-
formed circles concerning the King, and these
gradually filtered down through the clubs and
coffee-houses to the general public. At a Lev6e,
held early in November, the King behaved so
strangely as to give all present the impression that
his mind was disordered. Still his physicians did
not interfere, and for nearly a fortnight later, the
King was allowed to continue the round of his
fatiguing duties without let or hindrance, with the
result that he became worse every day. Every
effort was made to conceal his condition, but in the
King's immediate circle there was a dread of com-
ing disaster. The Prince of Wales was kept in
ignorance as long as possible, but at last came a
report that the King was really out of his mind.
Then he determined to see how matters stood for
himself, and posted from Brighton to Windsor,
where the Duke of York already was. He found
the King's state to be worse than he anticipated.
The unhappy monarch perpetually paced up and
down, pouring out a stream of incoherent talk,
until he rendered himself almost unintelligible from
hoarseness. Still he was under no restraint. The
arrival of the Prince at Windsor brought matters
to a climax. In the evening, during dinner, the
King suddenly, and without provocation, flew at his
eldest son, seized him by the collar, and pushed him
against the wall, violently demanding if he dared to
232 MRS. FITZHERBERT
prevent the King of England from speaking his
mind. Instantly there was great confusion — the
Queen fell into hysterics, the Princesses screamed,
the Prince of Wales, as was his wont when agitated,
burst into tears. The Duke of York and some of
the courtiers intervened, and the King presently let
his son go, and suffered himself to be led away to
his room. That night he was quite mad, and, his
physicians feared, in danger of his life.
CHAPTER XIII
THE STRUGGLE FOR THE REGENCY
(1788—1789)
THE Prince of Wales suddenly found himself thrust
into a position of responsibility. Instead of return-
ing to Brighton next day, as he had intended, he
remained at Windsor, and took the direction of
affairs into his own hands. It is admitted that he
behaved, at this trying juncture, with dignity and
discretion. The bad news spread rapidly all over
the kingdom. In London it was generally believed
that the King's illness was of a fatal nature. Pitt
thought so too ; he realised that the King's death
meant his own loss of power, for he could expect
nothing from the Prince, whose wishes he had
constantly thwarted. The Government was in a
difficult situation, and its difficulty was increased
by the uncertainty as to how the Lord Chancellor,
Thurlow,1 would act. His dislike and jealousy of
Pitt were notorious, and he was quite ready to
throw in his lot with the Prince's party should it
prove to be the winning side. The Lord Chief
Justice, Loughborough,2 was also secretly hostile
to Pitt.
1 Edward Thurlow, first Baron Thurlow, Lord Chancellor (1731-
1806).
2 Alexander Wedderburn, first Baron Loughborough, and first
Earl of Rosslyn, sometime Lord Chancellor (1735-1805).
233
234 MRS. FITZHERBERT
Mrs. Fitzherbert, who had been left at Brighton,
hastened up to London on receipt of the news from
Windsor, so as to be in more direct communication
with the Prince. The King's dangerous illness
affected her only one degree less acutely than it
affected the heir-apparent himself. The Prince
had always promised her full reparation when it
should be in his power, and now that his succession
to the throne seemed imminent, the power would
soon be in his hands. Whatever form that repara-
tion took, it could not fail to influence profoundly
her future life. Mrs. Fitzherbert was not an am-
bitious woman, nor was she one who sought her
own interest, except where her good name was
concerned. She did not care for wealth or power,
and, though the prospect which now opened before
her eyes might have dazzled any woman, she kept
her head.
Mrs. Fitzherbert went to her house in Pall Mall,
and was soon in communication with the Prince's
friends. She brought with her from Brighton
Sheridan and his wife, and they stayed with her for
a time, "having," writes a contemporary, "no other
habitation." The near prospect of place and emolu-
ment intoxicated the impecunious Sheridan. He
acted as the Prince's confidential agent in London ;
while at Windsor the Prince had with him one of
his equerries, Admiral Payne, familiarly known as
" Jack Payne," who sent daily bulletins of the
progress of the King's illness to the Prince's friends
in London. This illness went from bad to worse,
until it seemed that the King's death was only a
question of hours. " The last stroke," wrote Payne
STRUGGLE FOR THE REGENCY 235
to Loughborough with ill-disguised eagerness, " as
I hear, from the best authority, cannot be far off.
It is what everybody, in a situation to see, is obliged
to wish as the happiest possible termination to the
melancholy scene. The event we looked for last
night is postponed perhaps for a short time." Yet
even as Payne was writing, his confident anticipa-
tions were being falsified. The King, who was
thought to be almost at his last gasp, fell into a pro-
found sleep, from which he awoke much better.
The crisis was passed. The next day the doctors
pronounced him to be out of immediate danger, so
far as his bodily health was concerned ; but his mental
affliction remained as bad, or worse, than before,
and the physicians confessed that they considered
it to be permanent.
The King's rally was a blow to the Prince and his
friends. He decently masked his disappointment,
but they did not conceal theirs. The new situa-
tion demanded a complete revision of plans, for a
Regency and not a sovereignty was now the end
in view. A council of the Prince's friends was
hurriedly called at Bagshot. Thither came secretly
the Prince and Payne from Windsor, and Sheridan
and Mrs. Fitzherbert drove down from London.
Lord Loughborough had been invited, but now that
the King was better he was too cautious to come,
and in a long despatch he advised the Prince to
adopt "not dissimulation, but a certain reserve and
guard upon the frankness of that amiable disposi-
tion, which is the ornament and delight of society."
What took place at the meeting is not known, but
no communication at that time seems to have been
236 MRS. FITZHERBERT
made by the Prince to the official heads of the
Whig party. Sheridan had in fact, by his eager-
ness for place, and his anxiety to display his own
importance and show his possession of the Prince's
confidence, given offence to the Duke of Portland
and other influential Whigs. But one important
development followed on the Bagshot council.
The Prince determined to consult Fox as to what
should be done. The news could not have been
welcome to Mrs. Fitzherbert, yet she must have
seen that he was the only man to save the situation.
To the Prince at such a crisis he was indispensable.
Fox was abroad, but a messenger had been
sent to him on the sixth day after the King's
outburst at Windsor, and since then courier after
courier had been despatched to him in furious
haste. Fox had been abroad for many months, and
had planned for himself an Italian tour, in company
with Mrs. Armitstead. Disgusted with affairs in
England, he had purposely left no address. He re-
ceived no letters and he read no newspapers. The
first messenger despatched from Windsor traced
Fox to Geneva, but lost track of him there. After
many false scents he finally ran him to earth at
Bologna.
Fox appreciated the gravity of the situation, and
lost not a moment in obeying the Prince's summons.
Turning his back on Italy and its delights, he
started at once homeward. At Lyons he found
another courier, with a letter telling him of the
King's total loss of reason. He pressed on with
all speed, leaving his own chariot for the ordinary
post carriage so as to gain time, and finally reached
STRUGGLE FOR THE REGENCY 237
London on November 24, having been nine days
on the journey, a surprising feat considering the
conditions of the roads, and the means of travel
in those days. But the great exertion and the
fatigues of the journey had told heavily on his
health, and it was some time before he recovered
from it.
Fox arrived in London just in time. Parliament,
convened for November 20(1788), had been pro-
rogued until December 4, and this gave breathing
time. Fox at once impressed upon the Prince the
necessity of a reconciliation with the Duke of Port-
land, who had refused to help in the matter of the
Prince's debts. The Prince behaved very hand-
somely. "Pray shake the Duke of Portland by
the hand for me," he said, "and tell him that I
hope everything that is past may be forgot be-
tween us." With the exception of the hasty visit
to Bagshot, and an occasional escape to Carl ton
House, the Prince had all this time been detained
at Windsor, where he fretted at the confinement.
Meanwhile Pitt and the other Ministers had been
down to Windsor, and had seen the King, but
the Prince refused to see them. Soon after the
Ministers' visit the King was removed to Kew,
and placed by Pitt under the care of an ex-clergy-
man named Willis, who was a specialist in lunacy,
and with his son had made some remarkable
cures.
On the eve of the opening of Parliament, Decem-
ber 4, a Cabinet Council was held at Pitt's house,
and as soon as it rose, a messenger was despatched
to Kew with a letter for the Queen. Its purport
238 MRS. FITZHERBERT
was soon known to the Prince of Wales, and con-
firmed his suspicions that Pitt and the Queen
were in league against him. The Queen wrote
to her eldest son a letter to sound him, saying
that she had been asked to take a share in the
Regency, but that she thought it better to take
no part in politics, but devote herself solely to the
King in his sad condition. The Prince warily
replied, that " her Majesty might assure herself
that she should be considered as his Majesty's
sole guardian, so long as the unhappy malady
should continue." On the surface nothing could
be more proper than these letters, but in the
light of subsequent events one may read between
the lines, and see in them the beginning of the long
and unedifying struggle between mother and son.
Parliament reassembled on December 4, and it
at once became apparent that the object of Pitt was
to gain time. The report of the physicians was
laid before the House. It was very vague, but
with one exception (Warren) the doctors inclined
to the hope that the King might recover. The
House was adjourned, and when it met again Pitt
proposed a committee to examine into the pre-
cedents. This step was violently opposed by Fox,
who declared that as the heir-apparent was of full
age and capacity, he had the right to exercise the
governing power, so long as the King remained in
his present state, just as though the King were
dead, and the Prince of Wales had ascended the
throne. This was a tactical blunder, for it paved
the way to endless discussion. Pitt immediately
pounced on Fox's use of the word "right," and
STRUGGLE FOR THE REGENCY 239
declared it to be a treasonable doctrine (it was
certainly a most un-Whiggish one). The Prince
had a " claim," he admitted, but no more right than
any other member of the community. On this
point followed impassioned debates. Burke de-
nounced Pitt as "one of the Prince's competitors"
for the Regency, and Pitt replied in a " damned
passion." Outside the wildest canards flew about,
and party feeling ran to its highest pitch. There
were rumours of a " Council of Regency," over
which, said the Whigs, Pitt would preside, "reign-
ing as King William IV."
After a few days Pitt affected to make a conces-
sion. He admitted that the Prince was the most
suitable person to be vested with the Regency, sub-
ject to certain restrictions. These restrictions, even
before they were formulated, were denounced by Fox
as an attempt to make the Prince refuse the Re-
gency altogether, by imposing humiliating conditions.
Pitt retorted that as the question of " right " had
been revived it was necessary to inquire thoroughly
into the matter ; he appointed a committee, and
thus gained another two weeks' delay. As the
great Minister knew, time was all important.
Willis, his nominee at Kew, had reported privately
to him that the King's condition was more favour-
able, and that there was a prospect that he would
before long recover his reason. The Prince, not
wishing to be out-generalled, and seeing that the
theory of his "right" was being used to play into
his enemies' hands, threw over Fox, and despatched
the Duke of York to the House of Lords to disclaim
it. The Duke did so in an able speech, and he was
24o MRS. FITZHERBERT
supported by his uncle, the Duke of Gloucester ; but
these manoeuvres had no effect, for Pitt had already
made up his mind on the course to pursue. On
December 16 he introduced three resolutions on the
subject of the Regency. In the fierce debates that
followed, another three weeks of precious time were
lost. In the end Pitt's resolutions were carried, and
the Ministers set about preparing a Bill. It was
understood that the Prince was to be offered the
Regency, but with such restrictions as Pitt should
be pleased to impose.
The dissensions in the royal family now rivalled
those in Parliament. The Queen was wholly on
Pitt's side, and ranged herself in active opposition
to the Prince of Wales, who was supported by his
uncles and brothers. It was intimated that the
Queen had reconsidered her decision, and was pre-
pared to accept the Regency with Pitt's conditions,
if the Prince of Wales refused to accept them.
The Prince was hardly allowed to see his father
by the Queen, and a bitter dispute arose about the
custody of the King's papers and jewels. " She is
playing the devil," wrote Sir Gilbert Elliot to his
wife, "and has all this time been at the bottom
of the cabals and intrigues against the Prince."
The Princes resented their mother's attitude. The
Prince said, "In this matter her Majesty showed
a degree of passion which I have never witnessed
or believed to exist in her Majesty before ; " while
the Duke of York said to her, " I believe, Madam,
you are as much deranged as the King." Their
attitude was reflected by their friends, who spoke of
the Queen with disrespect. For instance, we hear
STRUGGLE FOR THE REGENCY 241
of a supper-party at Mrs. Robert Walpole's, at
which were present the Prince of Wales, the Duke
of York, Mrs. Fitzherbert, Jack Payne, and others,
including oddly enough the Duchess of Gordon,
who was an ardent Pittite. Payne, who was in
high favour with the Prince, made (no doubt, in his
cups) some ribald allusion to the friendship between
Pitt and the Queen, at which the Prince laughed
boisterously ; but the Duchess exclaimed, " You
little, insignificant, good-for-nothing upstart, you
pert, chattering puppy, how dare you name your
royal master's royal mother in that style ! " l
Behind all the disputes about the Regency,
never mentioned in official documents or speeches,
but lurking in all men's minds, was the question of
the Prince's secret marriage to Mrs. Fitzherbert.
Fox's denial was now generally discredited, and
the country felt itself deceived. The old hatred of
Popery existed in the provinces, and it was partly
the fear of the Prince's "Papist wife," who had so
great an ascendency over him, that inspired the great
towns and country districts to pour addresses in upon
Pitt at this juncture, assuring him of their support.
These proofs of the feeling in the country en-
couraged the Prime Minister to hamper the Prince's
power by every possible restriction, and not to make
the slightest concession. The nation was at Pitt's
back, and was profoundly convinced that the Prince
was not fit to exercise the royal power except under
stringent restrictions. What those restrictions were
soon became apparent. Early in the New Year,
1 " Lady Harcourt's Diary." Locker MSS. in Massey's " History of
England."
VOL. I. Q
242 MRS. FITZHERBERT
1789, the Prince was offered the Regency, but it
was shorn of most of the privileges of sovereignty.
The care of the King's person, with the management
of the Royal Household, and the appointment of
all officers and servants therein, were given to the
Queen. The Prince, as Regent, was to have no
power to touch the property of the King — that is,
Crown property ; no power to grant offices or pen-
sions connected therewith, and no power to create
peers. Well might the Prince write that these were
"restrictions such as no dictator could ever have
been barefaced enough to bring forward." But he
did not refuse the Regency, even with these humili-
ating conditions, for he knew that the Queen would
take the office if he did not. When therefore the
deputation of both Houses of Parliament waited on
him at Carlton House, he said he would accept the
Regency, " confident that the limitations on the
exercise of the royal authority deemed necessary
for the present have been approved only by the two
Houses as a temporary measure."
Then the Regency Bill was introduced into the
House of Commons, and the fierce quarrels began
all over again. It fell to Burke to lead the Oppo-
sition, which he did in a series of impassioned
speeches, declaring that the Bill was "not only de-
grading to the Prince but to the whole House of
Brunswick." Fox was absent from these debates
on the plea of ill health. There was another reason
also. Though Fox was outwardly reconciled to
the Prince, the old confidence between them was
gone. Fox ascribed this to Mrs. Fitzherbert's
influence, and resented it. The Prince considered
STRUGGLE FOR THE REGENCY 243
that Fox had made a grave blunder in tactics when
he put forward the claim of right on his behalf, and
had much mismanaged the whole business in Parlia-
ment. But he dared not break with him, though it
was even whispered that the Prince was willing to
make overtures to Pitt. Lord Buckingham, writing
in the autumn to William Grenville on the situation,
repeats the rumour on good authority that "the
Prince was afraid of Fox, and his opinion of Mr.
Pitt was very much altered since the negotiation on
the subject of his debts, and that he was sure the
Prince would in case of any accident send for them
both, and endeavour to make his time quiet by em-
ploying them jointly, and that this coolness to F"ox
was much increased by Mrs. Fitzherbert, who never
would forgive his public declaration on her subject
in the House of Commons, and had taken every
opportunity of alienating the Prince's mind from
him."1
Mrs. Fitzherbert was a factor who could not
be ignored in the Prince's secret councils in the
matter of the Regency. She took an active part
in them, and she won over to her side the Duke
of Portland. "The Duke" (of Portland), writes
George Selwyn to Lady Carlisle, " now sups every
night with his Royal Highness and his brother at
Mrs. Fitzherbert's."2 To these little suppers Fox
was not invited. Indeed, he found himself now
shut out from the Prince's confidence. If the Prince
became Regent, this confidence was absolutely
necessary to Fox if he were to form a Government.
1 Fortescue MSS. Historical MSS. Commission, vol. i.
2 Carlisle MSS. Historical MSS. Commission, vol. iii.
244 MRS. FITZHERBERT
In this dilemma it is no wonder he sought, by every
means in his power, to make his peace with Mrs.
Fitzherbert. But she still maintained her hostile
attitude. She refused to see him or to speak to
him. Sir Philip Francis tells us that she " abhorred
Fox, and never would be reconciled to him, notwith-
standing many advances and earnest submissions on
his part, of which at his request I was more than
once a bearer." The quarrel between Mrs. Fitz-
herbert and Fox was well known, and the most
extraordinary rumours flew about concerning the
terms he offered her to effect a reconciliation. Lord
Harcourt writes to Lady Harcourt : —
" The first news I heard in my morning walk was
that Mrs. Fitzherbert is to be created a Duchess.
This cannot be true ; for how can the Regent make
a Peeress, when he is restricted from making any
Peers. It appears to me to be an absolute impossi-
bility. Mr. Fox will probably now again come
forward on the stage, but he cannot ever be a
favourite after what has passed. After resisting
every effort that has been made use of to induce
him to give up the letter which authorised him to
make the famous declaration he made in Parlia-
ment two years ago, he says he has lost it. This
is not very likely, considering what a very impor-
tant one it was.'
» i
1 " Harcourt Papers." The letter was not lost. It must have
been the letter which the Prince of Wales wrote in answer to Fox,
December n, 1785, before his marriage to Mrs. Fitzherbert. It was
found among Fox's papers after his death, tied up with his letter to
the Prince on the subject. Probably Fox did not think it sufficiently
strong to justify his categorical statement in the House of Commons ;
perhaps he did not care to betray the Prince's confidence.
STRUGGLE FOR THE REGENCY 245
Again the Morning Herald writes, December
15, 1788:—
" A very extraordinary circumstance has recently
occurred, which will probably be the means of delay-
ing for some time the final and complete arrange-
ment of the intended blue and biiff administration
(the colours of Fox). The impediment originated
with Mr. Fox ; and were there not more of popular
artifice than principle in it, it would be more honour-
able to his character than perhaps any part of his
conduct that had before attracted public notice.
"The memorable declaration of Mr. Fox, in the
House of Commons, on the subject of a marriage
between a certain Great Character and a Lady well
known in the higher circles, cannot but be fresh
in the memory of almost every individual in the
Kingdom.
"That connexion, on account of the difference
in religious principles, appears to Mr. Fox fraught
with probable mischief to his measures ; he has,
therefore, declared his positive resolution not to
take any part in the intended new Ministry, until
the exact limits of that connexion are satisfactorily
defined, as he has now reason to believe that it is
of a more coercive and permanent nature than he
was once induced to imagine and announce.
" To annul the grounds of Mr. Fox's objection,
no less a sum than the annual allowance of ^20,000
has been offered to the lady, on condition of her
retiring to the Continent. This the lady has posi-
tively refused; expressing her firm determination
to abide by an authority she is said to hold forth
as unanswerable and unalienable.
246 MRS. FITZHERBERT
" A Character (the Duke of York), who has lately
started forth into oratorical consequence is the nego-
tiator in this important business, who, finding the
lady obstinate, has offered, in addition to the enor-
mous income above mentioned, the rank of an
English Duchess!
" The lady, however, firmly resists all these
alluring temptations, urging that she was in cir-
cumstances entirely independent previously to her
being induced to coincide with that condition from
which she is resolute not to recede, as character is
of much greater importance to her than affluence,
however abundant, if attended with the deprivation
of that rank to which she holds herself entitled"
This article in the Morning Herald, which created
a sensation at the moment, was, no doubt, ill-
informed and exaggerated. It probably arose from
something that Mrs. Fitzherbert had said about
Fox, for she made no attempt to conceal her anti-
pathy, and freely and often expressed it. Fox
would have liked 'to break off the connection be-
tween the Prince and Mrs. Fitzherbert altogether,
but he recognised that such an attempt at this
juncture was foredoomed to failure, and did not
attempt it. The statement, therefore, that he
offered her ,£ 20,000 a year to go into exile in
the event of the Prince becoming Regent and he
Prime Minister, may be dismissed as absurd. Fox
knew her too well to make such an offer, but he
recognised the extent of her influence over the
Prince, and perhaps he felt that he owed her some
reparation for the wrong he had done her, in part,
unconsciously ; but whether he had believed what he
STRUGGLE FOR THE REGENCY 247
said in the House of Commons or not, there was
no need for him to have used such coarse terms.
The statement that he offered her the rank of a
duchess in the event of his forming a Government
is in part borne out by Lord Stourton, who in his
loosely- worded narrative writes, " She went so far
with respect to Mr. Fox that when afterwards,
during his Administration,1 he made some overtures
to recover her good will, she refused, though the
attainment of the rank of Duchess was to be the
fruit of their reconciliation. In naming this cir-
cumstance to me she observed that she did not
wish to be another Duchess of Kendal."
This observation of Mrs. Fitzherbert throws a
light on her refusal to be created a duchess then,
and also many years later, when a similar offer was
made her by William IV. The Duchess of Kendal
was the acknowledged mistress of George I., and
it was because she was his mistress that she was
elevated to the rank of a duchess. There was no
question of marriage between them. The German
Pastor of the Lutheran Chapel Royal refused her
the Sacrament because, in his view, she was living
" in open sin." Mrs. Fitzherbert, on the contrary,
had been married to the Prince, and her Church
regarded her as his wife. She was admitted to
the Sacraments of her Church, which would not
have been the case had she been his mistress.
Her marriage, not merely the legality of it (she
never claimed that it was legal), but the fact
1 This must either mean Fox's contemplated Administration in
1789, in the event of the Prince of Wales becoming Regent — which
came to nothing — or when he became Foreign Secretary in Lord
Grenville's Administration in 1806.
24 8 MRS. FITZHERBERT
in toto, had been denied by Fox with gross com-
ments, she had been publicly shamed, and she held
that the stain could not be wiped away short of an
equally public apology and recantation. But when
Fox (conditionally, of course) offered her, instead,
the rank of duchess, she spurned it.
Mrs. Fitzherbert preferred to trust to the Prince,
who had sworn to make her all possible amends for
the public denial of their marriage the moment he
had the power. It looked now, with the Regency
almost within his grasp, that the power would come.
But distrusting Fox as she did, Mrs. Fitzherbert
was profoundly agitated by these rumours in the
press and elsewhere. She feared that they masked
some secret design against her. She sought the
Prince and demanded an explanation. The Prince
freely denied all knowledge of them, renewed his
vows and entreaties, and succeeded in pacifying
her, as he had often done before. But with Fox she
would hold no sort of communication ; and he, sick
in mind and body, smarting under the chagrin and
disappointment caused by his own tactical blunder
in the House, Mrs. Fitzherbert's rebuff and the
Prince's coldness, went down to the country, and
on the plea of illness absented himself from the
House of Commons during the remaining debates
on the Regency Bill. He was ill, undoubtedly,
but that was not the only reason of his continued
absence. Jealousies were rife among the Prince's
friends. Sheridan stood high in the Prince's favour
and in that of Mrs. Fitzherbert. "Charles Fox,"
writes one, "besides ill-health, is plagued to death
all day long, dissatisfied with Sheridan's supremacy,
MRS. FITZHERBERT
(After an unfinished Painting ly Sir JOSHUA REYNOLDS, by
permission of Lady BLANCHE HAYGARTH)
STRUGGLE FOR THE REGENCY 249
and not choosing to be questioned by Mr. Rolle,
who vows he will, in spite of threats and opposition,
approfondir that matter" [i.e., the marriage of Mrs.
Fitzherbert].1
The irrepressible Rolle, who had never believed
Fox's denial at the time, and who was now con-
vinced by the growing power and influence of
Mrs. Fitzherbert, and the confident assertions of
her friends, that he had been tricked, was deter-
mined to get to the truth. He had announced
that he would raise the question again during the
debates on the Regency Bill, and he intended to
address his questions to Fox himself. This Fox
was determined he should not do, and so he stayed
away from the House altogether.
The Prince's party were in a great fright at the
prospect of his marriage with Mrs. Fitzherbert being
raised at such an inconvenient time, and did all in
their power to discount it in advance. Lord Har-
court writes to Lady Harcourt:2 "I find it is a
measure of the party to say that the Prince, from
his amiable character, retains a friendship for Mrs.
Fitzherbert ; but that she has not the least remain-
ing influence ; that he is quite tired of her, and in
love elsewhere, therefore the public need have no
further alarm on her account." And again : " The
report of H.R.H. being tired of Mrs. Fitzherbert
gains ground. The old Duchess of Bedford said
at a party she had the other day, that she knew
he could not stand the unpopularity occasioned by
his connection with a Catholic, and that he entreated
1 "Courts and Cabinets of George III." By the Duke of Buck-
ingham, 1853. 2 " Harcourt Papers."
250 MRS. FITZHERBERT
her to go to France or anywhere abroad and he
would give her ;£ 10,000 per annum. She, how-
ever, refused, saying she would take her chance in
England. ... I doubt the truth of this story."
These manoeuvres were unsuccessful in averting a
discussion in Parliament.1 Rolle's opportunity came
on February 7, 1789. The Regency Bill was in
Committee, and was being discussed in a full House.
Presently the House came to the following clause : —
" Provided also, and be it enacted by the authority
aforesaid, that if his said Royal Highness George
Augustus Frederick, Prince of Wales, shall not
continue to be resident in Great Britain, or shall at
any time marry a Papist ; then, and in every case,
all the powers and authorities vested in his said
Royal Highness, by virtue of the Act, shall cease
and determine."
To this Rolle moved an amendment, to insert
after the words or shall at any time marry a Papist
the following : or shall at any time be proved to be
married, in fact, or in law, to a Papist.
In introducing his amendment Mr. Rolle said :
" That he meant nothing personal or disrespectful,
nothing injurious or hateful to the feelings of any
individual. He spoke from the regard he had to the
principles of the Constitution which were the bul-
warks of our freedom, and out of veneration for the
House of Brunswick, and the wish to secure the Pro-
testant succession in that House, because that succes-
sion would secure our liberties. . . . Could he have
brought himself to believe that, as the clause stood at
1 Parliamentary History, vol. xxvii. Debate on the Regency Bill,
1789.
STRUGGLE FOR THE REGENCY 251
present, it was sufficiently strong, he would not have
proposed the amendment ; or if any person would
step forward and confirm the declaration solemnly
made by a right honourable gentleman (Mr. Fox)
in that House two years ago, he should be satisfied.
That declaration had satisfied him at the time, nor
did he mean to impeach its credibility, but as doubts
and scruples had nevertheless been still entertained
without doors, he wished them to be effectually
silenced, and that the question might be set at rest
for ever."
Lord Belgrave^ who followed, blamed Rolle for
casting doubts on Fox's declaration that there was
no truth in the report that "an indissoluble union
had taken place with a very amiable and respectable
Character, whose religious opinions differed from the
religious opinions of the Established Church of this
country." He contended that there was no occasion
to discuss the validity of such a rumour over again.
Mr. Pitt, on behalf of the Government, said that
he could not accept the amendment, as the Uniformity
Clause was the same as he had found in former
Regency Bills, and he judged it sufficient security.
He did not wish to advert to anything that had
formerly passed in the House.
The Attorney-General also considered the clause,
as it stood, a sufficient legal security : it had sufficed
for our ancestors. The House could not legislate on
rumours, and " with regard to the particular rumour
in question he knew of nothing that could warrant
him to believe it to have any foundation."
For the information of the Committee the clause
of the Royal Marriage Act (12 George 1 1 1.) was
252 MRS. FITZHERBERT
read. The Clause provides that, previous to the
marriage of the descendants of George II. taking
place lawfully, His Majesty's (George 1 1 1. 's) consent
to such a marriage must be obtained, and signified
under his own sign manual, which consent must
have the sanction of the Great Seal, and that all
marriages contracted without the royal consent
being so formally signified, were declared to be
null and void, and of no effect whatever.
Mr. Rolle said he had heard it to be the opinion
of some of the first lawyers of this country that
nothing contained in the Act just referred to altered
or affected the clause in the Act of William and
Mary which enacted that any heir to the Crown
who married a Papist forfeited his right to the
Crown.
It was now the turn of "the Prince's friends."
Lord North said that by perusing the Act which
had just been read (the Royal Marriage Act) it
would appear that no marriage could be contracted
of the kind, respecting which they appeared to
have such wonderful apprehensions, and therefore
no danger could arise to Church and State in the
manner dreaded. . . . The Act was in full force,
and so it would remain unless regularly repealed
by some subsequent statute. He questioned the
motives of Mr. Rolle in agitating this question,
which " could answer no wholesome purpose what-
soever."
This brought up Mr. Pitt, who severely rebuked
Lord North for questioning the motives of his hon.
friend Mr. Rolle, and " for the levity with which he
treated so serious a subject." At the same time
STRUGGLE FOR THE REGENCY 253
he repeated that he considered the amendment
unnecessary.
Lord North would not accept the reprimand,
and he declared that "the blame rested on Mr.
Rolle for advancing the dangerous doctrine of
questioning the validity of an Act of Parliament
regularly passed under all its forms by the three
branches of the legislature."
Mr. Sheridan also assailed the motives of Mr.
Rolle in continuing to agitate this question. " The
hon. gentleman says he has his doubts, he does
not state why. He has had Acts of Parliament
consulted tending darkly to sustain those doubts.
What motive can he have but to give suspicion
wing and disseminate alarm ? Who has said
anything in favour of those doubts ? It is true a
pamphlet l has been written by an ingenious gentle-
man (Mr. Home Tooke), the madness and folly of
which are apparent on every page, and the whole
drift of which betrays the author to be a bad
citizen, because when he roundly asserts that he
seriously believes the fact he alludes to, to have
taken place, and then resorts to no means of eluci-
dating it, he insinuates what he ought not to have
insinuated, without proceeding to establish it by
something at least that bore the resemblance of
truth."
Mr. Grey said that the only merited answer to
the hon. gentleman (Mr. Rolle) was the short
answer of the Act of Parliament which had been
1 The allusion was to Home Tooke's pamphlet, already quoted :
"A Letter to a Friend on the Reported Marriage of His Royal High-
ness the Prince of Wales."
254 MRS. FITZHERBERT
read. Whether the hon. gentleman's motives were
good or bad, he should leave others to determine ;
but he did suspect they were not good, because they
tended to involve the country in disunion, alarm,
and distrust. He reprobated the rumours alluded
to as false, libellous, and calumniatory,1 tending to
create in the minds of the public, at a most critical
moment, suspicions equally derogatory to the Prince
of Wales and dangerous to the general welfare of
the public.
Mr. D-iindas* (Treasurer of the Navy) said:
" When he heard that a recent Act of Parliament
was the only reply fit to be given to questions of
the deepest importance, he could not admit that a
matter of such magnitude should rest on such a
point, nor would he agree that the effect of the Act
of Settlement was virtually done away by a posterior
Act, which did not specifically repeat the clause in
a Statute, in which the constitution and the country
were so deeply interested, as the Act of William
and Mary. As little was he willing to submit that
the rumour alluded to was a question rather to
be laughed at than argued. So to say was surely
paying a bad compliment to the Prince of Wales,
and resting his cause on a weak and loose founda-
tion. He was ready to say that he disbelieved the
1 Grey in private life was a man of high honour, yet he must have
known that he was deliberately uttering a falsehood, for by his own
statement he was one of those to whom the Prince had admitted the
fact of his marriage, when he wished that Fox's denial should be
softened in the House of Commons. Grey had refused to do this,
and Sheridan had undertaken it ; but that does not excuse Grey's
conduct on this occasion in deliberately misleading the House of
Commons.
2 Henry Dundas, first Viscount Melville (1742-1811).
STRUGGLE FOR THE REGENCY 255
rumour for other and he conceived better reasons.1
He lamented a thousand, and a thousand, times
the absence of the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Fox)
who had made that declaration two sessions ago
which had decided his (Mr. Dundas's) opinion at
the time, and had since continued to preserve it
fixed and unmoved ; more especially did he regret
the cause of his absence (illness). He wished for
the right hon. gentleman's presence because he
entertained so high an opinion of his sincerity that
he was confident he would have come down to the
House at the risk of his life to have stated his
sentiments on the motion of the hon. gentleman
(Mr. Rolle) if any point had occurred to have in-
duced him to alter the opinion he had entertained,
when the subject had been brought under dis-
cussion on a former occasion. On that opinion,
solemnly delivered as it had been in that House,
he perfectly relied, and therefore he was ready to
say he did not give the smallest credit to the
rumour which had been so often referred to in the
course of debate. The hon. gentleman on the
other side (Mr. Grey) seemed anxious to provoke
a discussion on the whole subject ; he for one
should feel no delicacy in the world, but for a
single consideration, and that was because two
Persons must necessarily be made the objects of
the discussion. With regard to one of the high
and respectable Personages alluded to (the Prince
of Wales) he certainly should feel but little difficulty,
1 Dundas's speech was really an elaborate sarcasm : he wished to
fix the responsibility for the denial of the marriage on Fox and the
Prince's friends, and he knew perfectly well that Fox wished to
avoid Rolle.
256 MRS. FITZHERBERT
although no man felt more respect for that Exalted
Personage than himself; but with regard to the
other amiable Character (Mrs. Fitzherbert) he
confessed that when the Sex came into question
in that House, he knew not how to agitate a
subject of such delicacy. He therefore wished,
at all times, to shut the door upon such discus-
sions." Mr. Dundas then rebuked Mr. Grey for
impugning the motives of Mr. Rolle, "and con-
cluded by hinting to Mr. Grey that it would have
shown more prudence, and have better served the
cause on the behalf of which he had exercised his
zeal, if he had restrained that zeal, and taken no
part in the debate of the day."
This taunt brought up Grey again, who said,
" That so far from feeling regret for the manner
in which he had delivered his sentiments, he was
happy at having delivered his opinion, since it had
drawn from the two right hon. gentlemen (Mr. Pitt
and Mr. Dundas) express declarations that they
neither of them believed the reports so often alluded
to in the course of the debate. He repeated his
reprobation of those reports as false, libellous, and
calumnious." With reference to the absence of Mr.
Fox, he assured the Committee "that it was due to
the character of his right hon. friend to declare that
no consideration of health, or any other circum-
stance, would have prevented his attendance in his
place if he had not, at the moment, been fully
satisfied that what he had asserted on a former
occasion was strictly true. Had the case been
otherwise, his right hon. friend would have been
present even at the risk of his life."
STRUGGLE FOR THE REGENCY 257
The amendment was then negatived, without a
division, and the House proceeded to debate the
clause which restrained the Prince Regent from
creating peers.
Thus for the second time was Mrs. Fitzherbert's
marriage publicly denied in Parliament, and on this
occasion by men like Grey and Sheridan, who, if
they did not know the full facts of the case, knew
for certain that a ceremony of marriage had taken
place. Well might the unhappy woman exclaim,
"Save me from my friends!" She was doubly
forsworn.
It is unnecessary to follow the debates on the
Regency Bill. They continued to be marked by
the greatest passion and prejudice on both sides.
Burke, who led the opposition, excelled himself in
invective. Fox sulked in retirement. The excite-
ment was equally great outside the walls of Parlia-
ment. The fashionable world of London was
divided into two hostile factions. The Duchess of
Devonshire gave parties on the Whig side, and the
Duchess of Gordon on the Tory ; the ladies being
even more excited than the men. At balls and
parties given by the Prince's friends, the ladies
appeared wearing u Regency caps," while at the
Tory houses the ladies adorned themselves with
ribbons inscribed, " God save the King." These
were wound round their arms or entwined in their
hair. Mrs. Fitzherbert threw herself into the fray
con amore, and worked early and late for the Prince.
Her house was used as a meeting-place for his
friends ; she encouraged the wavering and cajoled
the doubtful. Her future destiny at this time was
VOL. I. R
25 8 MRS. FITZHERBERT
an object of general curiosity. In the event of the
Regency what would she become ? There seemed
no limit to her possibilities, and she was generally
regarded as the leader of the family struggle on the
one side, and the Queen the leader on the other.
The struggle for the Regency is the only instance
of Mrs. Fitzherbert's direct interference in politics,
though this was a personal matter rather than a
political one with her. There were those who held
that her advocacy did more harm than good.
Among the Prince's own followers the near
prospect of place and power had a demoralising
effect. There were many jealousies and intrigues.
The Prince entertained his friends sumptuously
every day, and was lavish in his promises. His
uncle the Duke of Cumberland was promised the
Garter, until now refused him by the King ; his
brother the Duke of York was to become Com-
mander-in-Chief, Fox was to be Prime Minister,
Sheridan Treasurer for the Navy, and so on. All
the smaller fry of place-hunters and parasites, such
as Jack Payne, were to be provided for in some
way or other. This hungry crew was keenly
affected by the restriction which gave to the Queen
the household appointments, for no less than one
hundred and fifty places were thus lost to them.
But this restriction was regarded as only temporary.
Thus did the Prince and his friends occupy them-
selves until the middle of February 1789. It was
hoped that the Prince would be in possession of
the Regency by the i4th February. Alas for the
mutability of human hopes ! Just at the moment,
when power and place seemed at last within their
STRUGGLE FOR THE REGENCY 259
grasp, rumours came that the King was recovering
his reason. These rumours gained in strength day
by day. On the iQth February, when the Regency
Bill was under discussion in the Lords, the Lord
Chancellor stood up and said it would be " indecent,"
in the improved state of the King's health, to
proceed further with the measure, and the House
adjourned for a week. By that time the King was
so much better that the bulletins were discontinued.
On February 27, the Prince received an address
from the Irish Parliament, who prayed him to take
the Regency of Ireland without any restrictions.
Though bitterness and disappointment must have
been in his heart, the Prince received the deputation
with great aplomb, and entertained them after at a
magnificent banquet, and in his speech spoke of
"the happy event of the King's recovery."
On the very day the Regency Bill was to have
been passed into law the Prince of Wales and the
Duke of York were summoned down to Kew, and
had the felicity of being received by the King, and
allowed to offer him congratulations on his recovery.
The King now grew better daily, and on April 23,
his recovery being considered complete, he attended
St. Paul's in state, accompanied by all his family,
and returned thanks to Almighty God for the mercies
vouchsafed to him.
Thus vanished the Prince's hopes of the Regency ;
thus went also Mrs. Fitzherbert's dream of a public
reparation, for when the Regency question was re-
vived twenty years later, her position with regard
to the Prince of Wales was altogether different.
Public feeling found expression in the inevitable
260 MRS. FITZHERBERT
cartoons. On April 29 appeared one entitled,
" The Funeral Procession of Miss Regency." On
the coffin rest a Prince's coronet, a dice-box, and
an empty purse. Mrs. Fitzherbert acts as Chief
Mourner, overcome with grief at the loss of her
prospects. Fox and Sheridan follow, and several
members of the Prince's household act as mutes,
including Weltje, who sings —
" Vor by Got ve do pine, and in sadness ve link
Dat it's long till de Prince vear de Crown."
CHAPTER XIV
FAMILY QUARRELS
(1789—1791)
THE quarrel between Queen Charlotte and the
Prince of Wales did not end with the King's re-
covery ; it was prolonged for more than a year.
In this family dispute the Queen does not appear in
an amiable light. She inflamed the King's mind
against the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York,
with stories of their misconduct during the struggle
for the Regency. She put the worst construction
on their actions and motives, and did all in her
power to prevent them from having free access to
their father. Scenes were frequent between the
Queen and her sons. " The Prince of Wales," writes
Sir George Elliot soon after the King's recovery,
" has had a smart tussle with the Queen, in which
they came to strong and open declarations of
hostility. He told her that she had connected
herself with his enemies, and had entered into plans
for destroying and disgracing him and all her chil-
dren, and that she had countenanced misrepresen-
tations of his conduct to the King and prevented the
explanations which he wished to give. She was
violent and lost her temper."1
to celebrate the King's recovery was given
1 " Sir G. Elliot's Life and Letters.'
261
262 MRS. FITZHERBERT
at Windsor, and by the Queen's arrangement it was
converted into a party demonstration. All the
ladies of the Court wore Garter blue, the Tory
colour, and political allusions were frequent in the
musical part of the programme ; even the sweetmeats
at supper were adorned with political mottoes and
devices.
The Prince of Wales and his brothers were
present, not choosing to be absent, though the
Queen had given them a strong hint to keep away.
She told the Duke of York beforehand that the
party was given only for the " Ministers and those
persons in Parliament who have voted for the King
and me" The King was courteous to his sons, but
the Queen was very " sour and glum " because the
King spoke to them at all. The Princes seem to
have vented their ill-humour on the unoffending
Princesses, their sisters, so altogether it cannot have
been a pleasant party.
The dispute between the Queen and her sons
went from bad to worse, until at last it culminated in
a duel fought between the representatives of the
contending factions ; the Duke of York represent-
ing the Prince of Wales' s side, and Colonel Lenox
figuring as the champion of the Queen and the
Court. Lenox's mother held a place in the
Queen's household, and he himself was in high
favour with Her Majesty. He had gone about
everywhere publicly abusing the Prince of Wales
and the Duke of York. Of course his remarks were
repeated to the royal brothers, and they resented
them, for they knew by whom they were inspired.
A quarrel was picked on some trifling pretext, and
<
u
fc
w
O1
FAMILY QUARRELS 263
Lenox sent a challenge to the Duke of York, who
accepted it. The duel was fought on Wimbledon
Common ; Lenox's second was a lord of the King's
bedchamber. Lenox fired and the ball grazed the
Duke's ear ; the Duke did not fire, and as he refused
to do so the duel came to an ignominious end.
The Prince of Wales went down to Windsor after
the duel, determined to tell the King the whole
affair, but the Queen took care that he should not
see him alone. The King, who had heard nothing
about the duel, was greatly agitated at the danger
to which his favourite son had been exposed, but
the Queen, who was present all the time, heard the
Prince's story unmoved, and her only comment at
the end, was to say that it was "all the Duke of
York's own fault." When, a few days later, the
Duke came to see his father, she made not the
slightest allusion to the duel. Her sympathies
were, of course, with her self-constituted champion ;
a few weeks later she marked this publicly at the
King's birthday ball at St. James's. Colonel Lenox
was invited at the Queen's instance, and danced
in the same country dance as the royal brothers.
The Prince of Wales, when he saw him, stopped
dancing abruptly, and led his partner out of the
dance. The Queen asked the Prince, "Was he
tired ? " and on his answering in the negative, she
supposed "he thought it too hot." The Prince
retorted angrily that " in such company it was
impossible not to find it too hot." The Queen
then, no doubt fearing a scene, gave the signal
for retiring, and broke up the ball.
The King was not present. He was still an in-
264 MRS. FITZHERBERT
valid. Had he been in his usual health none of
these scenes would have happened, but for many
months after his so-called recovery, though pro-
nounced to be sane by his physicians, he was weak
and feeble, both in mind and body, and did every-
thing under the influence, or the compulsion, of the
Queen. The Queen guarded him jealously from
any outside interference ; she put herself at the
head of a faction, and deliberately sought to place
the Prince of Wales's conduct in the worst light.
Her motive was obvious ; she knew, none better,
the precarious state of the King's health. It was
thought probable that he would have a relapse, and
the Queen was determined not to make again the
mistake she had made in the last crisis — in not at
once securing all the power at her command.
Her conduct was not allowed to pass without
protest. The Prince of Wales addressed endless
remonstrances to the King, excusing himself, and
complaining bitterly of his mother. All these
letters the King either ignored, or he replied
through the Queen that he "proposed avoiding all
discussions that may in their nature agitate him."
The victory of the Queen was complete.
All this had the worst possible effect on the
Prince of Wales. The disappointment of the
Regency had been a heavy blow to him, and
followed as it was by the boycott of the court, it
drove him into a state, first of anger, and then of
indifference. His father would not listen to him,
his mother intrigued against him, whatever he did
was wrong, and if he did nothing that was wrong
also. Every shred of power was jealously kept
FAMILY QUARRELS 265
from him, every opportunity of public usefulness
was denied to him. The position of heir-apparent
is always a difficult one ; it was never more difficult
than in the case of George, Prince of Wales.
Nearly every legitimate outlet for his abilities was
refused him, and he was driven back upon himself,
and forced to dissipate his energies upon a barren
round of pleasure. Of a naturally sanguine tem-
perament, this attitude of distrust and hatred on
the part of his parents chilled and depressed him.
His was a nature which needed appreciation and
encouragement.
It has been the fashion to represent the life of
the Prince of Wales (afterwards George IV.), from
his earliest years until his death, as one long round
of self-indulgence and pleasure, with no attempt on
his part of reformation, or of striving for higher
things ; yet of his early manhood, at least, this
view is a false and malicious one. For four years,
from the period of his marriage to Mrs. Fitzherbert
until the disappointment of the Regency, the Prince
had honestly striven to render himself worthier of
the high position to which he was called. He had
retrenched his expenditure, he had striven to pay
his debts, he had reformed his manner of living,
he drank less, gambled less. He was less wild in
his conduct, less free in his conversation, and he
had avoided the wildest of his companions. There
were occasional lapses, but, for four years he made
great efforts to reform. That much of this was
due to the good influence of Mrs. Fitzherbert, is
of course true ; much also was due to himself, for
his temptations were infinitely greater than those
266 MRS. FITZHERBERT
who so readily condemn him can have any idea.
It is probable that, had the Regency been given
him at this period of his life, he might, with his
undoubted abilities, have done something worthy
of his name, but just when the power was within
his grasp it was snatched from him. This dis-
appointment, followed as it was by the triumph of
his enemies and the hatred of the court, embit-
tered and discouraged him. He was once more
reduced to a condition of impotence, and driven back
upon himself. Is it any wonder, under the circum-
stances, that a man of his inherited temperament
should in disgust yield to the overwhelming tempta-
tions that surrounded him on every side? It was
all so fatally easy. Mrs. Fitzherbert still tried her
best to moderate his tendencies, but the satyr voices
called so loudly to him, that even she pleaded to
deaf ears. He was still devoted to her, but not
enough to make him break from his pleasures.
Perhaps she too was discouraged and disappointed
at the unexpected turn of events, and lost for the
time something of her belief in herself, and in her
power to lead the Prince.
The summer of 1790 found the Prince and Mrs.
Fitzherbert again at Brighton, which under the
Prince's influence became transformed into a veri-
table city of pleasure. This year life at Brighton
was merrier than ever. The Prince strove to forget
his disappointment ; he, let himself go, and was
surrounded by all the wildest spirits among his
friends. From morning till night nothing was
thought of but pleasure, and pleasure of the most
reckless kind.
FAMILY QUARRELS 267
Among his chosen friends were the notorious
Barrymore family, a merry, reckless crew. Of
these the eldest was Richard Barry, seventh
Lord Barrymore, who had not long come of age,
and was in the enjoyment of ,£20,000 a year, a
fortune which he was rapidly dissipating. This
young rake-hell was a boon companion of the
Prince, and he was an extraordinary combination of
the most opposite qualities. " His Lordship," we
are told, "alternated between a gentleman and a
blackguard ; the refined wit and the most vulgar
bully, he was equally well known in St. Giles's or
St. James's. He could fence, dance, drive, or drink,
box or bet, with any man in the kingdom. He
could discourse slang as trippingly as French, relish
porter after port, and compliment her ladyship at
a ball with as much ease and brilliance as he
could bespatter blood in a cider cellar." 1 He was
generous to prodigality, and always independent of
prejudice ; notwithstanding his wit he was so foul-
mouthed that he gained the nickname of " Hell-
gate." He died in 1793, three years after the date
of which we write, at the early age of twenty-four,
and was succeeded by his brother, Henry Barry,
who, being lame, was known as " Cripplegate."
He, though as vicious as his brother, had neither
his parts nor his bonhomie. To him belongs
the honour of having invented the " Tiger " or
smart juvenile groom. There was another brother,
Augustus Barry, in holy orders of the Church of
Ireland, a most inveterate gambler, always in debt
and in danger of the sponging - house, who on
1 " Reminiscences of Henry Angelo." London, 1830.
268 MRS. FITZHERBERT
this account was dubbed " Newgate." " Neither
the Church nor the nobility derived much advantage
from his being a member," says one of his contem-
poraries, and we can well believe it. He too was
a combination of the polished gentleman and the
perfect blackguard. To this worthy trio of brothers
was added a sister (afterwards Lady Melfort), who
from the shrewishness of her temper and the
violence of her language was nicknamed " Billings-
gate." The Barry mores, despite their vices and
follies, were the most capital company. They said
whatever came into their mind, their wit was always
ready, and their spirits never flagged.
The merry recklessness of the Irish temperament
had a great attraction for the Prince of Wales, and
indeed bore a peculiar affinity to his own character.
It must be remembered that he was still a young man,
not yet thirty, full of spirits, and the charm of youth.
Besides the Barrymores, Sheridan and Burke were
Irishmen. So was Colonel George Hanger (after-
wards Lord Coleraine), an eccentric character, who
for years was the almost inseparable companion of
the Prince of Wales. He had entered a Hessian
regiment, and served in his corps throughout the
war in America. When he came back to London
he attached himself to the Prince, who had then
just come upon the town, and was given an appoint-
ment as equerry. He figured in many of Gillray's
cartoons ; his eccentricity was marked in his fan-
tastic dress and free, manners, and it showed itself
in later life, when he became Lord Coleraine, by
refusing to acknowledge his title, and considering
himself insulted if addressed by it. Like many of
FAMILY QUARRELS 269
the Prince's friends he had a strain of ability ; he
dabbled in literature, and was said to be the author
of the ballad, " Kitty of Coleraine." We must
also not forget Felix McCarthy, one of Lord
Barrymore's gang of "bruisers" who followed him
to Brighton. McCarthy was a handsome, impe-
cunious young Irishman of gentle birth, known as
the " Irish Giant," a favourite with the Prince, who
often helped him, for he was in chronic difficulties
about money. To these must be added Mrs. Fitz-
herbert's brothers, Jack and Watt Smythe, who
also had a strain of Irish blood in their veins.
They were at this time constant companions of the
Prince, and ready to do anything for him. These
youths quite lost their heads in the company
where they now found themselves. They were wild,
and always in want of money, yet it is characteristic
of Mrs. Fitzherbert that she consistently refused to
use her influence with the Prince to procure any
place or sinecure for her brothers. She preferred
to help them out of her own pocket, a privilege of
which they liberally availed themselves.
Most of these men could plead youth as an
excuse for their excesses and extragavances, and
their follies were redeemed by many good qualities.
This cannot be said of all the Prince's friends, for
some of them were wholly vicious. Among these
was the Duke of Norfolk, " Jockey of Norfolk," a
notorious drunkard and glutton, who often posted
over from Arundel to Brighton, and stayed a
few days, as the Prince's guest at the Pavilion.
Another frequent visitor was the last Duke of
Queensberry, familiarly known as "Old Q.," one
270 MRS. FITZHERBERT
of the wickedest of wicked old men, who in his
youth had been a member of the " Hell Fire
Club," and in his old age cared for nothing in
heaven or on earth. Of him it was written : —
" And there, insatiate yet with folly's sport,
That polished, sin-worn fragment of the Court,
The shade of Queen sb'ry should with Clermont meet
Ogling and hobbling down St. James's Street."
Another kabitzit was Sir John Lade, the cele-
brated whip, who had taught the Prince driving,
besides many other things that he ought not to have
taught him. He was the king of the stables, and
the familiar friend of grooms, jockeys, and touts.
His wife was the Amazonian Letitia, who created
a sensation by riding astride on horseback ; she
looked like Diana, and she drove a curricle and
four with supreme skill, handling the reins even
better than her husband. Her origin was of the
lowest. Rumours said that she had lived in St.
Giles's as the mistress of " Sixteen-String Jack," a
highwayman who was hanged in 1774. She then
married Sir John Lade, who had a place in Sussex,
and thus came to Brighton. The Prince, who
loved horses and everything to do with them, found
the Lades congenial spirits. We must not forget
to mention also the Duke of Orleans, who was
often at Brighton during his frequent visits to
England. He professed Liberal principles, and was
known as Monsieur 1'Egalite, but he was really a
man of no principles at all ; his public morality
was on a par with his private conduct. He was a
familiar figure on the Steine, and generally appeared
FAMILY QUARRELS 271
in a bottle-green coat, which contrasted violently
with his inflamed and scorbutic countenance.
It was a gay summer at Brighton ; the Prince
kept his birthday there with great festivities. Oxen
were roasted whole, and the town was illuminated.
No compliments passed between the King and his
son on this occasion, though the court was sojourn-
ing at Weymouth for the benefit of the King's
health. The Prince of Wales sent the Duke of
York to see his father, but he would not go himself,
or interrupt for one day his round of pleasure at'
Brighton. Many families of distinction had come
to sojourn there, and lovely ladies of noble birth
lent a grace to the Prince's parties. Among
them was the witty and fascinating Lady Clare,
an Irish lady who was a great friend of Mrs. Fitz-
herbert, and the stately though gay Mary Isabella,
Duchess of Rutland, now a widow, and many
more.
The Prince went to Lewes Races this year in
semi-state, and was received by the high sheriff of
the county, attended by a company of javelin men.
Mrs. Fitzherbert, the Duchess of Rutland, and
Lady Lade, also drove to the races, each in a
separate carriage, and each drawn by four grey
ponies. Lady Lade, one would think, was hardly
fit company for the other ladies, but the Prince's set
was nothing if not " mixed." There were theatrical
performances at the Old Theatre in Duke Street,
one being given, " by desire of Mrs. Fitzherbert,"
by amateurs, "for the benefit of those persons
who had failed in former attempts." The piece
performed was the Tragedy of the Orphan. The
272 MRS. FITZHERBERT
audience was in shouts of laughter throughout
the performance, and the Prince, we are told,
laughed so much that he "nearly cracked his
sides."
Besides races and theatrical parties there were
cricket matches in the Pavilion grounds, fencing
matches, " pugilistic encounters," dinner parties at
the Pavilion every night, and concerts and dances
every week. Everything went as merry as a mar-
riage bell, but the harmony was sometimes marred
by quarrels among the Prince's friends, which not
infrequently ended in a little blood-letting. Hard
drinking and high play were responsible for many
of these quarrels, and practical jokes for some of
them. It was an age of practical jokes ; the Prince
delighted in them, and the Barrymore family were
especially given to pranks of this kind. For in-
stance, a favourite pastime of Lord Barrymore and
his brothers was, as they were posting in their coach
down the road from London to Brighton, to imitate
the screams of a woman, and cry out: " Murder,
rape ! Unhand me, villain ! Let me go ! " &c.
Chivalrous passers-by would sometimes start in
pursuit of the coach and stop it by force, only to
find that it contained no fair lady in distress, but in-
stead Lord Barrymore and his muscular "bruisers,"
who would jump out and administer a sound
thrashing to the would-be rescuers. The changing
of signposts and the fighting of waggoners on the
road were common incidents on these journeys.
One summer at Brighton, Lord Barrymore and his
brothers after dark went about with a coffin. They
called themselves "the Merry Mourners," and
FAMILY QUARRELS 273
knocked at the doors of peaceable townsmen,
frightening women and children. Nor were even
the Prince and Mrs. Fitzherbert exempt from these
practical jokes. On one occasion, Lord Barry-
more's brother, " Cripplegate," rode a horse up the
stairs of Mrs. Fitzherbert's house — right up to the
garrets. But the horse could not be persuaded to
go downstairs again, and had at last to be pulled
down by main force by two blacksmiths. Henry
Angelo, the fencing-master and actor, relates
another anecdote : — " The year after I played
' Mother Cole ' at Brighton, I received an invi-
tation from Lord Barrymore to his house, then
upon the Steine. One night, when the champagne
prevented the evening finishing tranquilly, Lord
Barrymore proposed, as there was a guitar in the
house, that I should play on it. I was to be the
musician, and he dressed in the cookmaid's clothes,
and so to sing Ma chere Amie. Accordingly,
taking me to another part of the Steine, under
Mrs. Fitzherbert's window (it was then three o'clock),
he sang, while I played the accompaniment. The
next day he told me (quizzing, I should think) that
the Prince said, ' Barrymore, you may make your-
self a fool as much as you please ; but if I had
known it was Angelo I would have whipped him
into the sea.' " l
In those days Mrs. Fitzherbert was merry too,
but many of these wild doings were far from her
liking. In vain would she plead for moderation. She
found herself powerless to do much. The Prince,
in the morning, when he was in a penitent mood,
1 " Reminiscences of Henry Angelo." London, 1830.
VOL. I. S
274 MRS. FITZHERBERT
would promise her anything and everything, but in
the evening the same revels would take place, and
with the same results. Thomas Raikes writes in
his "Journal": —
" Few were the happy hours that she could
number even at that period. He [the Prince] was
young and impetuous and boisterous in his char-
acter, and very much addicted to the pleasures of
the table. It was the fashion in those days to
drink very hard, and Mrs. Fitzherbert never retired
to rest until her royal spouse came home. But
I have heard the late Duke of York say, that,
often when she heard the Prince and his drunken
companions on the staircase, she would seek a
refuge from their presence even under the sofa,
when the Prince, finding the drawing - room
deserted, would draw his sword in joke, and
searching about the room would at last draw
forth the trembling victim from her place of con-
cealment." 1
Apart from the Prince's extravagances, Mrs.
Fitzherbert had troubles and anxieties of her own.
Some of them she had brought upon herself. The
way in which she had departed from her usual wise
neutrality, and had thrown herself into the struggle
for the Regency, had aroused feelings of resentment
against her both at court and in the Government.
The victorious party determined to make her feel
the weight of their displeasure. Nothing was done
directly, but endless intrigues were set afoot to
separate her from the Prince, and to frighten her
into leaving the country. Rumours reached her
1 "Journal of Thomas Raikes." London, 1857.
FAMILY QUARRELS 275
that she would be prosecuted for violating the
Royal Marriage Act, and the penalties of pre-
munire would be directed against her. She was
also threatened with imprisonment for debt, and
this threat was nearly being put into force, for the
Prince, through his gambling habits, was again
heavily embarrassed, and even in sore straits for
ready money. Mrs. Fitzherbert shared his diffi-
culties, for she had thrown her jointure into the
common stock, and the Prince's allowance to her
was irregularly paid. To do him justice the Prince
always came to her aid, and raised the money
somehow ; but latterly, in some unaccountable way,
his customary resources in time of need were closed
to him. One morning in London, when he was at
his wits' end for want of money, a bailiff arrived at
Mrs. Fitzherbert's house in Pall Mall and served a
writ on her for a debt of ^"1835. The Prince of
Wales was in the house at the time. The debt had
not long been owing, but the writ was returnable on
the morrow ; therefore, if the money were not paid
within a few hours, the lady would have to be con-
veyed to prison. The Prince lost not a moment
in applying to his usual money-lenders; not one
of them would help him. It was evidently a trap.
Mrs. Fitzherbert, whose house was already occupied
by the sheriffs officers, sent to a well-known pawn-
broker, and tried to raise money on her plate and
jewels, but here again there was a difficulty, for the
bailiffs refused to let the articles go out of the
house. At last the Prince sent for his own jewels
from Carlton House, which were duly pledged, and
with the money thus raised the debt was paid off,
276 MRS. FITZHERBERT
and Mrs. Fitzherbert was spared further indignity.1
The jewels were redeemed the following day, for
the Prince meanwhile raised some money from a
Jew in St. Mary Axe.
Nor was this all. A section of the press was
suborned against her, and simultaneously there
appeared in many papers articles and paragraphs
detrimental to her character, and teeming with
abuse, evidently inspired by her enemies. As a rule
Mrs. Fitzherbert always ignored these attacks, but
one pamphlet in particular was so scurrilous, and so
categorical in its statements, that proceedings were
taken against the writer for libel, with the result
that he was sentenced to pay a fine of ^50, a year's
imprisonment in Newgate, and to give security for
his good behaviour for five years. After this the
attacks upon her ceased for a time.
Thus matters went on for two years, 1789-1790;
the court and the Prince of Wales being at open war,
and much dirty linen was washed on both sides.
This public quarrel between the heir-apparent and
his royal parents could not be prolonged without
causing much scandal, and it threatened to bring the
monarchy into disrepute. On all grounds it was to
be deprecated. The well-wishers of the royal
family therefore strove to bring about a reconcilia-
tion, but for a long time without success. Lord
Thurlow, who was the trusted friend of both the
King and the Prince of Wales, did everything in his
power to heal the breach between them. Others were
1 The incident was not as 'bad as it sounds, for in those days the
presence of bailiffs in the house was no unfrequent occurrence in the
mansions of the great, and was often made the subject of a joke by
those to whom they paid their unwelcome visits.
FAMILY QUARRELS 277
working too, notably the Princess Royal l and Mrs.
Fitzherbert, each of whom, from her different stand-
point, was unwearied in her endeavours to bring
about a truce. Mrs. Fitzherbert's efforts in this
direction were magnanimous, for she had so far
received no consideration from the King, while
the Queen had shown herself decidedly hostile
to her. In striving to bring about a reconcilia-
tion, therefore, she returned good for evil. She
was even to some extent working against her own
interests, for the King and Queen were anxious to
break off her union with the Prince. But in the
long run Mrs. Fitzherbert's unselfishness had its
reward. Though to the self-centred it might seem
that she was ruining her prospects, she was all
unconsciously to herself advancing them. Her con-
duct on this, as on subsequent occasions, proved
to the King and Queen that she was no self-seeker
and no intriguer, and gradually their prejudices
against her were broken down.
The Prince of Wales was formally reconciled to
the King in March 1791. The price demanded of
him for the paternal forgiveness was that he should
no longer identify himself wholly with the Whig
party ; he was henceforth to receive at his house
Tories as well as Whigs. Perhaps, since the
Regency had faded to a distant dream, it cost him
little to make this sacrifice of his political friends.
The price he hoped to obtain in return for his filial
submission, was the payment of his debts. But this
1 Charlotte Augusta Matilda, eldest daughter of George III.,
Princess Royal (1766-1828), afterwards married the King of Wurtem-
berg.
278 MRS. FITZHERBERT
was not much advanced thereby, for the King
declared, now as always, that he would not consent
to any increase of his son's income, until he married
some Protestant princess from a German court —
whom he alone considered to be a suitable bride for
the Prince of Wales. However, these disputed
questions were not raised at the moment, and the
Prince's submission to the King was followed by a
reconciliation with the Queen. " A gentleman, who
lives in the east end of St. James's Park," writes
Horace Walpole, "has been sent for by a lady who
has a large house in the west end, and they have
kissed and made friends, which he notified by toast-
ing her health in a bumper at the Club." l
Some rays of the royal favour, albeit tempered
by judicious distance, now began to fall upon Mrs.
Fitzherbert. Her disinterested efforts to make the
Prince submit himself were known to the King and
Queen and appreciated by them. They came to
admire her character as a woman, to respect the
purity of her life, to understand the honesty of her
motives, and to admit that her influence over the
Prince had never been used for her own advance-
ment. The attitude of the King and Queen towards
her seems to have changed about this time from
dislike to benevolent reserve. They perhaps feared
that any nearer recognition would be construed
into an acknowledgment of her peculiar position,
a position which, notwithstanding all facts, they
consistently refused to accept. Yet all about the
Court agreed there was no doubt whatever that the
Prince of Wales had been through a form of marriage
1 " Walpole's Letters," vol. ix.
FAMILY QUARRELS 279
with Mrs. Fitzherbert, though the details were not
fully known. The King and Queen accepted Fox's
denial, and treated the story of the marriage as a
fabrication, but the princes and princesses and the
courtiers discussed it freely. Lady Harcourt,1 for
instance, who was in the Queen's household, and
enjoyed her favour and confidence to the fullest
extent, writes in the year 1790 (the year when
the quarrel between the Queen and her son was
raging) of a conversation she had with the Duke
of Gloucester of "the marriage between the Prince
and Mrs. Fitz." Again she relates the following
anecdote on the same subject : — " Pss. Royal told
me the P. of Wales had won money of the D. of
Bedford at Newmarket, and upon the Course
as they were riding about he called out to the
Duke, 'You know it don't signify what you
owe to me, as your Brother-in-law.' Upon which
the Duke of Orleans said, ' Qu'est que c'est que
ga que vous lui dites la ? ' ' Je 1'appelle ' (said the
Prince) ' mon beau-frere.' ' Qu'est que ga veut
dire ; est-ce que la Fitzherbert a une sceur ? ' ' Non,
non' (said the Prince), ' il est 1'amant de ma sceur
ainee, il en est folle.' " 2
By all the royal family, except the King and
Queen, Mrs. Fitzherbert was tacitly accorded the
position of morganatic wife. The royal dukes,
notably the Dukes of York and Clarence, treated
her en belle sceur, and with two or three of the
1 Elizabeth, Countess of Harcourt, Lady of the Bedchamber to
Queen Charlotte, wife to the Earl of Harcourt, who was Master of
the Horse to George III.
2 " The Harcourt Papers."
280 MRS. FITZHERBERT
princesses she was on terms of friendship. During
part of the years 1790 and 1791, Mrs. Fitzherbert
resided at her villa at Marble Hill, and here the
Prince of Wales and the royal dukes were con-
stant visitors. On the death of Lord North, the
Duke of Clarence had bought Bushey Park, not far
from Mrs. Fitzherbert, and he was living there with
the beautiful and accomplished actress, Mrs. Jordan,
the mother of his many children. In the summer
of 1791 the Countess of Albany, the widow of
Prince Charles Edward Stuart, visited England.1
The Prince of Wales gave a dinner in her honour,
and, as a matter of course, he introduced her to Mrs.
Fitzherbert, whom she afterwards visited at Rich-
mond. The meeting between these two distinguished
women must have been interesting, for though very
different in circumstances and in breeding they
had one link in common. Both of them were ex-
cluded from their rights because they were Roman
Catholics.
This summer also, Mrs. Fitzherbert attended the
grand masked fite given by Mrs. Hobart at her
beautiful villa near Fulham, which was one of the
events of the season. Mrs. Hobart (afterwards
Countess of Berkshire) was a great friend of the
Prince of Wales, and, like many other women of
fashion at that day, presided at a faro bank or
gambling table. We quote the following account of
her f§te> as it affords a curious illustration of the
manners of the time : —
1 Louisa, Countess of Albany (1753-1824), by birth a Princess of
Stolberg-Gedern. Married in 1772 Prince Charles Edward, and
separated from him in 1780. He died in 1788.
FAMILY QUARRELS 281
" The Hon. Mrs. Hobarfs Rural Breakfast and
Promenade, June 28.
" This long-looked-for, and long-prevented de1-
jeuner was given yesterday in spite of the weather.
It is almost needless to remark that all the first
nobility and fashion about town graced this most
delightful f£te. The Prince of Wales came first,
and precisely at one o'clock. About four or five
hundred persons were present : amongst them was
the Duke of Gloucester, the Duchesses of Rutland
and Gordon, the Margravine of Anspach, Mrs.
Fitzherbert, the Duke of Queensberry, several of the
corps diplomatique, and many other foreigners of the
very first distinction. The Duke of Clarence was
expected, but did not attend. The breakfast lasted
from two till past seven o'clock.
" The leading person in this entertainment (which
was obliged to be confined to the house on account
of the weather) was Mrs. Bristow, a near relative of
Mrs. Hobart. This lady, who had long resided at
the Indian Court of Lucknow, was every inch a
queen. Draped in all the magnificence of Eastern
grandeur, Mrs. Bristow represented the Queen of
Nourjahad, as the "Light of the World" in the
Garden of Roses. She was seated in the larger
drawing-room, which was very beautifully fitted up
with cushions in the Indian style, smoking her
hookah, amidst all sorts of the choicest perfumes.
Mrs. Bristow was very profuse with otto of roses,
drops of which were thrown about the ladies' dresses.
The whole house was scented with the most de-
licious fragrance."1
1 The European Magazine, July 1791.
CHAPTER XV
SUNSHINE AND SHADOW
•
(1791—1794)
THIS year, 1791, the Duke of York's affairs came to
a crisis. His carelessness about money matters,
and his betting and gambling habits, had involved
him in hopeless embarrassment. Cash and credit
were alike exhausted, and his grievance against the
King, namely that he had appropriated all the
revenues of the see of Osnabriick during the Duke's
minority, was past remedy, for the King refused to
disburse. Nevertheless it was to his father that the
Duke went in his trouble. He was the favourite
son, and the King was willing to help him on one
condition, namely that he should marry a German
princess of the Protestant faith. This condition
the King pressed on all his sons, precedent to his
granting any pecuniary relief — an odious one, it must
be admitted, and one that proved in some cases
unfortunate in its results. Yet in the case of the
Duke of York the King no doubt honestly believed
that a suitable marriage would be his salvation.
He was also, since the Prince of Wales refused to
be separated from Mrs. Fitzherbert, and several of
his other sons had entered into irregular relations,
anxious to secure the succession to the throne in as
nearly the direct line as possible. The King had
SUNSHINE AND SHADOW 283
a bride ready for his favourite son, the Princess
Royal of Prussia, Frederica Charlotte Ulrica, eldest
daughter of Frederick William II. The Duke
offered no objection. He was heart-whole, he had
met the Princess when he was abroad, and did not
dislike her. The alliance was therefore arranged
without delay. The Prince of Wales was, of course,
consulted in the matter by his devoted brother ;
he expressed himself well pleased, and raised no
difficulties about the marriage treaty, but, says Sir
Gilbert Elliot, " He has put in a saving clause for
himself in case he chooses to marry, which he thinks
probable, if he sees his brother happy with his wife,
and told the King that, had he permitted him to go
abroad at the time he asked leave to do so (in 1784),
he meant to have looked out for a princess who
would have suited him, as he was too domestic to
bear the thoughts of marrying a woman he did not
like."1 This reads curiously when we remember
the Prince's passionate declaration at that very time
to Lord Malmesbury, " I will never marry ! " But
no doubt he deceived himself into thinking that he
spoke the truth now as he spoke it then ; such was
his marvellous power of self-deception, that what-
ever he wished became to him right and true, simply
because he wished it.
The Duke and Duchess of York were married
in Berlin on September 29, 1791. They had a
tiresome journey to England, owing to the revolu-
tionary spirit then prevailing in France, and at Lisle
they were surrounded by a savage mob, and only
escaped by obliterating the signs of royalty from
1 " Life and Letters of Sir G. Elliot."
284 MRS. FITZHERBERT
their coach and equipage. They arrived in London
in the middle of November, and were received
with great ceremony by the King and Queen. On
November 23, on account of some legal quibble,
they were re-married according to the rites of the
Church of England. The Prince of Wales gave
the bride away.
As there seemed a probability that one day the
new Duchess of York might become-Queen-Consort,
her appearance and manner was much discussed.
She has been described as " a very short woman,
with a plain face, a neat little figure, and a remark-
ably small foot ; " but despite her small stature the
Duchess had a great sense of what was due to her
rank and dignity. She was of a strong character,
decidedly eccentric, haughty and reserved to
strangers, but to her intimates the kindest woman
in the world.
Great curiosity was evinced in London society as
to how the Duchess would conduct herself towards
Mrs. Fitzherbert, not only because of the latter's
relation to the Prince, but because of the cordial
friendship which was known to exist between her
and the Duke of York. Their first meeting, which
took place at a ball at the Duchess of Cumberland's,
is thus described : " The Duchess looked much
better than that first day at court. People in
general were not presented to her, but several were
by the Prince, Duke of York, &c., and the Duchess
of Cumberland presented Mrs. Fitz. Both ladies
squeezed their fans, and talked for a few minutes,
and that was all, so this was the first meeting." '
1 Letter of Miss Dee to Lady Harcourt : " Harcourt Papers."
WATCH GIVEN TO MRS. FITZHERBERT
BY THE PRINCE OF WALES
Blue Enamel set with Pearls
(By permission of Mr. JOHN HAINES)
SUNSHINE AND SHADOW 285
There were plenty to offer advice as to how the
Duchess should conduct herself towards Mrs. Fitz-
herbert, but she declined to be influenced either by
the court on one side, or the Prince of Wales or
the Duke on the other. Brought up in the strict
etiquette of the Prussian court, she had her own
views about wives morganatic. She received Mrs.
Fitzherbert without difficulty — that much was due to
her character and position ; but she treated her with
distant civility de haut en bas, and would not recog-
nise in any way the link between them. Mrs. Fitz-
herbert resented this attitude, and the Prince of
Wales resented it also. The Duke of York could
not force his Duchess to treat Mrs. Fitzherbert with
more cordiality, for the Duchess had a will of her
own, but the Prince of Wales apparently thought
that the Duke could do so if he wished, and a cool-
ness sprang up between the brothers in consequence.
Lord Malmesbury, writing in 1792, says that
Colonel St. Leger told him, " She [Mrs. Fitzher-
bert] dislikes the Duchess of York, because the
Duchess will not treat her en belle sceur. It is that
which is the cause of the coolness between the
brothers." Apparently the dislike which the two
ladies entertained for each other was ineradicable,
for fourteen years later Lord Malmesbury writes
in his diary: "May 25, 1803. The Duke of York
came to me at five, uneasy lest the Duchess should
be forced to sup at the same table as Mrs. Fitzher-
bert at the ball to be given by the Knights of the
Bath, on the ist of June. He talks it over with me
. . . says the King and Queen will not hear of it.
On the other side he wishes to keep on terms with
286 MRS. FITZHERBERT
the Prince. I say I will see Lord Henley, who
manages the f$te, and try to manage it so that
there shall be two distinct tables, one for the Prince,
to which he is to invite, and another for the Duke
and Duchess of York, to which she is to invite her
company." Thus the delicate matter was arranged ;
each lady had a table to herself. The curious part
of this family quarrel is that, though a coolness
sprang up between the royal brothers, it did not
interrupt the warm friendship existing between the
Duke of York and Mrs. Fitzherbert, though she
was the cause of the coolness. In public the Duke
of York felt bound to support the Duchess, whose
claim was certainly based on court etiquette, but in
private he allowed himself to be governed by his
own feelings. His marriage was not a happy one.
The Duke was not a model husband, and the
Duchess was ill-tempered. Their marriage was
unblessed with children, and before long they were
to all intents and purposes separated. But they
resided under the same roof, for the Duchess was
not a woman given to make a scandal.
This year was marked by a further measure of
relief to Roman Catholics. By this Act (1791) a
number of obnoxious penal laws (some of them
obsolete) were repealed ; a Roman Catholic could
no longer be prosecuted for not attending his parish
(Anglican) church, nor for being a Papist, nor for
hearing or saying Mass, nor for belonging to any
ecclesiastical order of the Church of Rome, nor for
performing or taking any part in any form of worship
according to the Roman Catholic religion. The
abolition of these galling restrictions was a distinct
SUNSHINE AND SHADOW 287
relief to the Roman Catholics, who now began to
emerge from the shadow of persecution, under which
they had lived for the last two centuries. Roman
Catholic places of worship were now built without
hindrance, and " missions " were established in
different parts of England, not for the purpose of
proselytising (the English Roman Catholics of that
day did not proselytise), but solely for the purpose of
ministering to the religious needs of the little com-
munities of Roman Catholics scattered about the
country. The funds for this purpose were provided
by wealthy members of the Church. Among these
was Mrs. Fitzherbert, who not only endowed a
mission at Brambridge, the village where she had
grown up, but contributed towards the support of
one at Brighton. (The church there was not built
until later.) Her religion was part of her life, and
she practised it regularly, but quietly and unob-
trusively. She seldom spoke of it, and never at-
tempted, in the least degree, to influence others,
or to proselytise. This led many to suppose that
she had given up her faith in compliance with the
wishes of the Prince of Wales. " I hear," writes
one, "that Mrs. Fitzherbert has renounced the
errors of Popery and eats maigre no longer."1
Nothing could be further from the truth. The
Prince never, in the slightest degree, attempted
to hinder his wife in the practice of her religion,
not even in times of popular excitement, when her
attendance at Mass was likely to cause embarrass-
ment. Like the King, he favoured the Relief Acts
1 " Charles Long to Viscount Lowther." Lonsdale MSS. Historical
MSS. Commission.
288 MRS. FITZHERBERT
of 1778 and 1791. He was a friend of Sir John
Throckmorton and other members of " the Catholic
Committee," and he always showed the greatest
courtesy to Roman Catholics. His views on the
subject of Catholic Emancipation were not at this
time known ; it was generally supposed that he
did not share the King's strong prejudice to ad-
mitting Roman Catholics to Parliament, but that
he agreed on this subject with Fox and other
leading Whigs. Mrs. Fitzherbert never obtruded
her views on the burning question of Emancipation ;
she seemed rather to dread its discussion at Carlton
House, and if the question came up she always
changed the subject, lest it should seem that she
influenced the Prince. Like so many of the English
Roman Catholics at that time, she was singularly
temperate in her views, and decidedly opposed to
proselytising. Her views were rather those of Sir
John Throckmorton and the Catholic Committee
than of the ultramontane or "papistic" party. It
was the fashion among many of the leading English
Catholic laity at this time to deprecate undue inter-
ference from Rome, and to show rather that they
had points of contact with the national religion.1
No doubt a good deal of this was due to a desire
to break down prejudice against a creed which was
considered to be Italian and "un-English." They
were anxious to show that Roman Catholics could
be as loyal to the King and as tolerant of those
1 But the Church of England was so spiritually dead at that time,
that their overtures met with no response, and the strenuous protests
of Archbishop Milner and the appointment of Vicars Apostolic by
Rome checked this " Galilean " spirit, and brought the leading Roman
Catholic laity into line again.
SUNSHINE AND SHADOW 289
who differed from them as their fellow-subjects,
and so work for the great cause of Emancipation.
Mrs. Fitzherbert was not one of those who worked
for Emancipation, either directly or indirectly. She
seems to have been content with the free practice
of her religion. At the same time, she was not,
in any sense, unfaithful to her Church, nor forgetful
of her co-religionists. An instance of the latter
occurred in 1792 at Brighton.
The French Revolution was then in full blaze.
Fugitives were flying from France in great numbers,
many to find refuge in England. The burning of
the Tuileries, the deposition and imprisonment of
the King and Queen, and the massacres in Paris,
had produced a profound impression in England,
and the greatest sympathy was shown to the French
emigres. The edicts against priests and nuns led
to monasteries being broken up, and the whole-
sale flight of religious communities. Among the
sufferers was a community of Franciscan nuns,
which were located at Montarges, where they had
been established for many years. They were ex-
pelled with violence by the French revolutionists,
and fled for their lives. At Ostend they embarked
on a boat for England, and after many days at sea
they were eventually landed at Shoreham, near
Brighton. The poor nuns were set down on the
shore from fishing-boats, wet, penniless, hungry,
and with nothing but the clothes they stood up
in. Mrs. Fitzherbert, who was then at Brighton,
was one of the first to hear of their arrival.
She immediately started a subscription among
her friends at the Pavilion, and collected enough
VOL. I. T
29o MRS. FITZHERBERT
to provide the nuns with food and lodging. She
then drove to Shoreham, where she found the
nuns still sitting on the beach, surrounded by a
curious and sympathetic crowd. Mrs. Fitzherbert
had them conveyed to Brighton, where she arranged
a lodging for them in the Ship Inn. In this she
was acting not only on her own charitable impulse,
but on behalf of the Prince of Wales. His con-
duct on this occasion exhibits him in a favour-
able light, and shows how he could be moved to
noble and generous actions. What happened to
the nuns on their arrival at the Ship Inn is best
told in the words of one of the members of the
community.
" It was there (at the inn) that we learned the
protection accorded to us by the Prince of Wales
through the intervention of Mrs. Fitzherbert, who
came herself to see us on our arrival. We did not,
however, as yet know that the protection extended
so far as to defray all our expenses in the town, and
that all the nobility who were there had subscribed
to this act of benevolence. . . . The Prince of
Wales himself came to see the Reverend Mother.
He entered into the minutest details of everything
which concerned us." [He advised them to remain
in England for a time until they could with safety
return.] " The Prince again came to see us.
This time he asked to see the community. The
Reverend Mother having assembled us all, he
received us with a kindness truly royal. He con-
jured the Reverend Mother (these were his words)
to make the community sit down, while he remained
standing. He repeated the advice which he had
SUNSHINE AND SHADOW 291
given the evening before about our journey to
Brussels, and he invited us in the most obliging
terms to go to London, where we should find all
the inhabitants disposed to recompense us for our
losses. The want of chairs prevented many of us
from being able to sit down. The Prince observed
this, and, turning to Mrs. Fitzherbert, he said in
that kind manner which is his characteristic, ' See,
we are keeping them standing ; let us be off, I
cannot suffer this any longer.' " l
Nor did the Prince's sympathy stop here. He
collected for the nuns over ;£ioo, and it was by
his assistance and advice that they finally settled
in England, and founded a religious house near
Taunton. Another branch of the same order from
Bruges (with which the Welds, Mrs. Fitzherbert's
connections by her first marriage, were connected)
also fled to England and found an asylum with
Sir Edward Smythe (Mrs. Fitzherbert's cousin) at
Acton Burnell. A Benedictine mission was also
established there during this period. In England
generally at this time the generous sentiment of
hospitality and humanity overcame the feelings of
prejudice against " Popish priests." The nuns
were not the only fugitives who received a warm
welcome. In one week, over five hundred French
people (chiefly aristocrats and priests) were landed
at Brighton, including the Archbishop of Avranches
and the Dean of Rouen. The Marquise de Beaule
voyaged from Dieppe to Brighton in an open boat
in a tempest, and was thrown upon the beach more
1 This account is from a MS. preserved at St. Mary's Priory,
Princethorpe, Taunton. " Jerningham Letters."
292 MRS. FITZHERBERT
dead than alive. Her experience was that of many
aristocratic ladies of France.
Perhaps the most interesting of these unfortunate
fugitives was the young and beautiful Duchesse de
Noailles, who fled from Paris for her life, disguised
in boy's clothes ; she found a fishing-boat at Dieppe,
was concealed in a coil of cable, and after many days
at sea was landed upon Brighton beach, one gusty
morning, August 29, 1792. As soon as her arrival
became known she " was received with the most
polite and cordial hospitality by his Royal Highness
the Prince of Wales and Mrs. Fitzherbert." l The
Duchesse stayed with Mrs. Fitzherbert until other
accommodation could be found for her, and when
she had recovered from her fatigue she was dressed
up in some of Mrs. Fitzherbert's clothes, and enter-
tained with all possible honour by the Prince at
the Pavilion. We read : " Mrs. Fitzherbert, the
Duchesse de Noailles, and many other ladies of dis-
tinction were present at the cricket match, and dined
in a marquee pitched on the ground for that purpose.
The Prince's band of music attended, and played
during the whole time the ladies were at dinner. In
the evening Mrs. Fitzherbert, the Duchesse, Lady
Clermont, and Miss Pigot" [Mrs. Fitzherbert's
lady companion] " walked round the ground,
seemingly the better to gratify the spectators with a
sight of the French lady. The Duchesse de Noailles
appears to be twenty-one or twenty-two years of
age. She is very handsome, and her figure and de-
portment are remarkably interesting." 2
1 Sussex Weekly Advertiser, September 3, 1792.
2 Ibid., September 10, 1792.
SUNSHINE AND SHADOW 293
All this goes to show that Mrs. Fitzherbert's in-
fluence over the Prince showed no signs of wane.
As Lord Malmesbury wrote in June 1792, "The
Prince was more attached to Mrs. Fitzherbert than
ever ... he is now more under her influence than
ever." Perhaps the strongest proof of her influence
at this time is that she succeeded in maintaining the
estrangement between the Prince and Fox, which
had assumed a political as well as a personal
aspect. With this the French Revolution had
something to do, for the bloody excesses of the
revolutionary mob had alienated the sympathy of
the moderate Whigs and led to a split in the party,
the Duke of Portland and Burke representing the
moderate wing and Fox the extremists. The
Prince, who had no sympathy for the revolutionary
doctrines of Fox, sided with Burke, and this despite
the efforts of the Duchess of Devonshire on behalf
of Fox. There is little doubt that Mrs. Fitzherbert,
who viewed the French Revolution with horror and
Fox with detestation, had something to say in this
matter. In any event, after Burke's quarrel with
Fox, and his "dagger scene" in the House of Com-
mons, the Prince also separated himself from Fox,
and for six years had little communication with him.
For the next two years (from 1792 to 1794) the
Prince and Mrs. Fitzherbert led a comparatively
secluded life. This was in part forced upon the
Prince by circumstances. His debts were again
causing him grave embarrassment. The usual
appeal to the King was made, and met with the
usual refusal. Again came the Prince's ostentatious
retrenchment, Carlton House shut up, the household
294 MRS. FITZHERBERT
reduced, and the horses sold. The Prince was very
little in London during these years. When he was
not at Brighton he would take a place in the country,
and live there the life of a country gentleman. He
gave himself up completely to the pleasures of
country life ; his chief diversion was hunting. He
was devoted to horses, and, notwithstanding his
weight, he was a first-rate rider. It used to be a
saying at Brighton that, heavy as he was, " he rode
so well that he never soiled his nankeens." For the
most part the Prince hunted in Hampshire, where
he resided for one season at the Grange, near Alton,
which he rented or borrowed from Lord Ash burton,
and he hunted with the Villebois hounds. The
Prince of Wales's plumes still appear on the club
buttons. His choice of Hampshire, and that part of
it in particular, was no doubt influenced by Mrs.
Fitzherbert, whose mother and brothers still lived at
Brambridge, and her uncle Mr. Errington and her
cousin Harry Errington (a friend of the Prince of
Wales) at Red Rice, near Andover. So attached
was the Prince to this neighbourhood, that he rented
for many years a place called Kempshott, where
still linger legends of his tenancy. Mrs. Fitzherbert
always accompanied the Prince of Wales on his
visits to Hampshire ; but she seems generally to
have resided at a cottage near by. At Kempshott
she chose the decorations of the drawing-room, and
the gardens are also said to have been laid out under
her direction. The Prince in after years used to
say that some of his happiest days were passed at
Kempshott. He had as fine a pack of foxhounds
in his kennel, and as splendid a lot of hunters in his
SUNSHTNE AND SHADOW 295
stables, as could be met with in the county. He was
exceedingly popular with all classes, the country
squires, farmers, and labourers.
The Prince's love of horses did not stop at hunt-
ing. He was for some years an active member of
the Jockey Club, and he had training stables at
Newmarket. His horses were most successful ; at
the very outset of his racing career he had won the
Derby, and during his connection with the turf,
which extended over a period of seven years, he
won in all one hundred and eighty-five races. The
cost of his stud was said to amount to some ,£30,000
a year. He was especially fond of Newmarket, and
his racing colours were always to be seen there,
generally leading. Whenever there was a big
meeting he and Mrs. Fitzherbert were sure to be
present ; though sometimes they had not enough
money left to get home, and on one occasion
Mrs. Fitzherbert was reduced to borrowing ^"5
from the postillion.
The Prince's connection with the turf terminated
abruptly, in consequence of an unpleasantness which
arose in connection with his jockey, Sam Chifney,
who was called before the stewards of the Jockey
Club for unfair riding of the Prince's horse " Escape,"
and warned off the turf. The Prince resented this
treatment of his jockey, and never went to New-
market again. There is no reason to suppose that
the Prince had anything to do with Chifney's action,
whether he were innocent or guilty, but many im-
putations were cast upon him, and the unfortunate
incident did much to damage his popularity.
The Prince loved popularity more than anything
296 MRS. FITZHERBERT
else, and when it suffered he was sorely distressed.
He never sought the cause in some folly of his own,
but invariably blamed somebody else. It may be
feared that often he threw the blame on the un-
offending Mrs. Fitzherbert ; she was nearly always
with him for one thing, and therefore an easy mark
for his anger, and for another there were many
mischief-makers ready to promote an estrangement
between them. Mrs. Fitzherbert must often have
felt during these years that the house of her happi-
ness was built upon sand. Of so unstable a nature
was the Prince that it is marvellous she kept her
ascendency over him for so long. She could only
have done it by shutting her eyes to much that
was going on around her, and by making greater
allowances for him than most women would make
for any man. Though she stood first in his affec-
tions, she by no means stood alone. It was aptly
said by Sheridan "that the Prince was too much
every lady's man to be the man of any lady,"
and this was a trait in his character that Mrs.
Fitzherbert had to accept with what grace she
could. She was powerless to alter it, and she
knew that continual protests on her part would
only lead to further estrangement. She tried to
school herself into bearing her trials with calmness,
by remembering how women threw themselves at
his feet, and by arguing that in this respect she
suffered with many another consort of a prince or
king. After all she was his wife, and the others
were only his mistresses. There is no need to
dwell upon the Prince's amours ; they were many
and notorious, and cannot be defended. But con-
SUNSHINE AND SHADOW 297
demnation may be mitigated by remembering his
youth, his temperament, and the temptations with
which the Prince of Wales, of all men, was sur-
rounded, and also the easy code of morality which
prevailed in society at that time. No doubt Mrs.
Fitzherbert remembered all this, yet despite her
self-discipline she was not always une femme com-
plaisante, and there were times when her sorely-
tried patience gave way, and she assailed the
delinquent with tears and reproaches. The Prince,
whose moral sense in this respect was completely
wanting, regarded her protests as outbursts of
unreasonable jealousy, and her resentment as a
proof that she no longer loved him. He was
filled with a sense of injury. There were always
beautiful and frail sirens ready to whisper in his
ear suggestions against Mrs. Fitzherbert ; one of
them was, that she had been heard to say " it was
the rank of his Royal Highness that she loved,
more than his person." This was untrue, for if
ever the Prince of Wales had one to love him,
that one was Maria Fitzherbert, and she showed
it by every action of her life. Deep down in his
heart he knew this, but it served his purpose for
the moment to carry the war into her camp by
regarding her remonstrances as proofs of her lack
of affection. Rumours of their quarrels and
estrangement, therefore, were frequent during
these years. Lady Jerningham * mentions one of
them so far back as 1791. They even penetrated
to the circle of the court. Mrs. Harcourt, a
confidante of Queen Charlotte, declares that the
1 " Jerningham Letters."
298 MRS. FITZHERBERT
Duke of Gloucester told her that " the marriage
between the Prince and Mrs. Fitzherbert was
without much love on either side. He had his
amusements elsewhere, but he had much con-
sideration for her. She was sometimes jealous
and discontented ; her temper violent, though
apparently so quiet. He hoped . . . the Prince
would remain in her hands, as she was no political
intriguer, and probably, if they parted, he would
fall into worse hands." l
So matters went on until early in the year 1794,
when Mrs. Fitzherbert's position suffered an in-
direct blow from the annulment of the marriage of
Prince Augustus Frederick,2 a younger brother of
the Prince of Wales, with Lady Augusta Murray,
daughter of the Earl of Dunmore. The story of
this marriage is one of the romances of the House
of Hanover. Augustus Frederick, like all the
younger sons of George III., spent much of his
youth abroad. In the winter of 1792-93 he was in
delicate health, and was sent to Rome under the
care of a governor, to escape the rigours of the
English climate. He was then in his twentieth
year. Rome was at that time one of the gayest
and most cosmopolitan cities in Europe, and there
was a large colony of English residents and visitors.
Among the English staying at Rome that winter
were the Countess of Dunmore and her family.
Her husband, the Earl of Dunmore, was not with
her ; he was occupied with his duties as Governor
1 Mrs. Harcourt's " Diary."
2 Augustus Frederick, Duke of Sussex (1773-1843), sixth son of
George III.
h _• £?
N O °
S 1 *
^ ° §
t/3 -, H-
W S K
a "
* 3 ^
a Si
il! >J
SUNSHINE AND SHADOW 299
of the Bahama Islands.1 Lady Augusta Murray was
the eldest daughter of a numerous family. She was
a lady of beauty, wit, and talent. Prince Augustus
Frederick fell in love with her, and after four
months' courtship he, unknown to her mother,
offered her marriage. Lady Augusta at first re-
fused her lover, and pointed out to him the obstacles
in the way of their union ; but her opposition only
increased the young Prince's passion, and in the
end she gave way. It was the usual story ; first
of all she promised never to marry any one else,
then they bound themselves by a solemn betrothal
according to the fashion of the time. This betrothal
was a preliminary to the marriage which followed.
There was in Rome at that time a clergyman of
the English Church, named Gunn, and to him the
Prince appealed. Despite the penalties of the
Royal Marriage Act, the clergyman consented to
perform the ceremony of marriage between Prince
Augustus Frederick and Lady Augusta, and in
April 1793 they were secretly married at Rome,
according to the rites of the Church of England, by
Mr. Gunn, but without witnesses. Some months
later it became necessary that Lady Augusta should
tell her mother of the marriage. Dismayed and
bewildered, Lady Dunmore consented to keep it
secret until its validity could be decided. In the
autumn of 1793 the Prince and the Dunmore family
returned to England, and there the Prince learned
that, apart from the Royal Marriage Act, the fact
1 John Murray, fourth Earl of Dunmore (1732-1809), Governor
of New York and Virginia (previous to the American War), was
appointed Governor of the Bahamas 1787.
300 MRS. FITZHERBERT
that the marriage had been solemnised in the
Roman jurisdiction might be used to invalidate it.
He at once determined to have the ceremony
repeated in England, and the banns of marriage
between " Augusta Murray, spinster, and Augustus
Frederick, bachelor," were published at St. George's,
Hanover Square. As no titles were used they
passed as two ordinary persons, and the banns
excited no remark. They were married over again
by the curate, who had no knowledge of whom he was
marrying. When the King and the Queen heard of
Prince Augustus Frederick's marriage, their wrath
knew no bounds. Despite the tears and prayers
of the wedded lovers, despite the birth and position
of Lady Augusta, and the fact that she was with
child, the King at once took steps, under the Royal
Marriage Act of 1772, to have the marriage
annulled and set aside. This was the first case
under the Act, for the marriages of the King's
two brothers without the consent of the King had
taken place previous to the passing of the Act ;
the marriage of the Prince of Wales to Mrs. Fitz-
herbert had taken place since, but it had never been
acknowledged. It is not necessary to go into the
details of this case, which was in the nature of a
test case. Of course the King gained his point,
for the courts of law proved themselves as obse-
quious to his wishes as Parliament had done. By
a formal process the Court of Privileges declared
both the marriage in England and the marriage at
Rome to be null and void. The penalties of pre-
munire were not enforced (it was practically im
possible to enforce them); but to the unhappy
SUNSHINE AND SHADOW 301
husband and wife the annulment of their marriage
was penalty enough. Prince Augustus Frederick
protested vehemently against the decision, but his
protest was disregarded. He wrote to his father,
and begged to be allowed to abandon his rights to
the succession, and to sink into the character of a
private gentleman, so that he might be regarded as
the husband of his wife. His prayer was rejected
with scorn. Lady Augusta then refused to occupy
an anomalous position, and she withdrew from her
husband against his will. The Prince always main-
tained that she was his wife. Two children were
born of the marriage, a boy and a girl.1 In con-
sequence of the Royal Marriage Act these children
were regarded as born out of wedlock. But a com-
plication arose, for though illegitimate in England
they were legitimate in Hanover, and the son was
later declared eligible to succeed to the throne of
Hanover, in failure of the male issue of the Duke
of Cumberland.2 The King so far recognised the
anomalous state of affairs as to grant in 1806 a
royal license to Lady Augusta to assume the title
of Comtesse d'Ameland.
The course of this unhappy affair to its unto-
1 The son was known as Sir Augustus d'Este, the daughter married
Lord Truro. Lady Augusta Murray died in 1830. The Duke of
Sussex after a short interval married Lady Cecilia Buggin (nee
Underwood), who was later created by Queen Victoria Duchess of
Inverness.
2 This contingency did not arise. On the accession of Queen
Victoria, by the operation of the Salic Law Hanover became sepa-
rated from England, and the Duke of Cumberland became King of
Hanover as Ernest Augustus I. He was succeeded by his son
George V., "the blind King." The de jure King of Hanover is his
son, the present Duke of Cumberland, who is robbed of his rights by
Prussia.
302 MRS. FITZHERBERT
ward ending was watched with keen interest by
Mrs. Fitzherbert. The decision of the Court of
Privileges made it clear to her that, even if her
marriage were acknowledged at some future time, it
would always be regarded as illegal. For if Lady
Augusta Murray's marriage to Prince Augustus
Frederick (a sixth son, and thus far removed from
the succession to the throne) was refused the ap-
proval of the King and the sanction of the law, what
chance had Mrs. Fitzherbert, who had married the
heir-apparent, of any recognition ? Lady Augusta
Murray was a member of the Church of England,
Mrs. Fitzherbert was a member of the Church of
Rome. Moreover, Lady Augusta, though a subject,
could boast of royal descent on both sides. This
fact might have led George III. to pause before he
cast a slur upon this virtuous woman, for her pedi-
gree was an illustrious one, in a sense as illustrious as
that of his consort from Mecklenburg-Strelitz. True,
Lady Augusta was British and not German. On her
father's side she could trace back her lineage, through
the Stanleys, to the daughter of Henry VII. of
England ; through the same line she could establish
her descent from William I., Prince of Orange, and
Louis, Duke of Montpensier ; again, from the same
source she could show her descent from Charles
VII. of France. On the side of her mother, who
was a Stuart, she could trace back her descent in
the direct line to the Hamiltons, Dukes of Chatel-
herault, and to James II., King of Scotland. Surely
the daughter of an earl with a pedigree like this
was as fit a mate for a younger son of a King of
England, as some obscure German princess ? But
SUNSHINE AND SHADOW 303
German traditions unfortunately prevailed in the
court of George III., and thus Lady Augusta was
placed in the light of the Prince's mistress, and an
insult was cast not only upon her, but on her family,
and through them on the whole body of the British
peerage.
The decision of the Court of Privileges finally
closed the door upon Mrs. Fitzherbert's hopes of
restitution, had any remained after the denials of her
marriage in Parliament. It was now made clear to
her, beyond any shadow of doubt, that she had
nothing to trust to but the honour of her husband,
and events soon showed that she trusted to a broken
reed.
CHAPTER XVI
THE FIRST SEPARATION
(1794-1795)
BY this time the Prince's affairs were again in a
desperate condition, and it became obvious, even
to him, that the day of reckoning could not be de-
layed much longer. Sunk in debt and difficulties,
he was at his wits' end for money. All the usual
sources of relief were closed to him ; the Jews and
money-lenders would not advance him a penny
more. Wearied by fruitless applications, and dis-
gusted with barren promises, many of the Prince's
tradesmen refused any longer to execute his orders,
and, denied admission to his palace, some of
them stopped him in the streets with demands for
payment ; even the workmen employed at Carlton
House solicited their wages in vain, and at last
presented a petition for payment to the Prime
Minister, who referred them back to the Prince.
Never was Prince in so pitiful a plight before.
Driven to desperation, he tried to raise money
at exorbitant interest on post obits on the King's
life ; these deeds were signed by the Prince of
Wales and his two brothers, the Dukes of York
and Clarence. Double the sum lent was to be
repaid when the King died, or any of the three
royal brothers came to the throne. But even these
THE FIRST SEPARATION 305
terms failed to tempt the lenders, for only some
,£30,000 was raised. The Prince went further still,
and offered .£10,000 and an Irish peerage after the
King's death for every ,£5000 lent to him now.
But even for this reward he could raise little or
nothing, so dishonoured were his bonds. Few
would believe his promises, even when given in
writing, for so many accusations had been brought
against him of breach of faith, and repudiation of
obligations. Besides, it was well known that the
Prince regarded all those to whom he owed money
as his worst enemies.
By the middle of the year 1793 the Prince of
Wales had exhausted every resource, and was
forced to apply once more to the King. Lord
Malmesbury was in London at the time ; the Prince
sent for him, and told him the tale of his "total
ruin." Several executions had been in his house,
he said, Lord Rawdon had saved him from one,
but what was one among so many ? his debts
amounted to ,£375,000. Lord Malmesbury was
implored to bring the matter before the King,
and to tell him in the event of refusal that
the Prince must break up his establishment
and live abroad. Lord Malmesbury seems to have
shifted the task on to Lord Southampton, who
(he must have been used to it by this time) drew
up yet another schedule of the Prince's debts,
and laid it before the King. But the King was
obdurate. In vain the Prince promised retrench-
ment and reform ; the King heard him unmoved.
The King's position was much stronger than
in 1787, when the Prince had forced his hand.
VOL. i. U
306 MRS. FITZHERBERT
From a variety of causes George III. was now
popular with the country. The violence of the
French Revolution had, by contrast, increased the
popularity of the monarchy in England. It had
also shattered the Whig party. The Prince was
estranged from Fox, the only man who could have
carried the matter of his debts through the House
of Commons, and he had no friends of importance
in either House of Parliament. The King was
master of the situation, and could dictate terms
to his son. His terms were these : — The Prince
of Wales must marry some Protestant Princess of
Germany. With so large a royal family of sons
and daughters there seemed no danger to the
succession to the throne. But none of them
was married except the Duke of York, and his
marriage had turned out badly ; moreover, the
Duchess had no children, and the doctors said she
was unlikely ever to have any. The unhappiness
of this marriage of policy did not deter the King
from urging a similar marriage on his eldest son.
His terms were absolute. If the Prince would not
marry as he wished, he would not move a step to
have his debts paid. Indeed he would go further,
and instruct the Government to oppose any, and
every, application in Parliament.
At first the Prince refused to entertain the idea,
as he had refused before. He knew that he was in
honour bound to Mrs. Fitzherbert, and though he
would not publicly acknowledge his marriage to her,
yet in his heart he recoiled from the perjury involved
by his deserting her and marrying some one else. It
was a struggle between his conscience and his neces-
THE FIRST SEPARATION 307
sities ; and while this struggle was going on there
came the momentous decision of the Court of Privi-
leges, dissolving the marriage of Prince Augustus
Frederick and Lady Augusta Murray. This de-
cision, pronounced by the highest legal authorities
in the realm, not only annulled the marriage, but
expressly left the Prince free to marry again if he
would. Coming when it did, the pronouncement
was not without influence on the volatile mind of
the Prince of Wales. It did not quiet his con-
science altogether, but it stifled it. It shifted the
responsibility from his own shoulders to those of
the eminent jurists who gave the decision, and
built a golden bridge for him to retreat, if he
wished, from his solemn engagement to Mrs.
Fitzherbert. Yet even so he hesitated, for despite
their occasional quarrels caused by his infidelities,
and the difficulties which arose from her religion,
Mrs. Fitzherbert was still the first woman in the
world to him, and so far as he loved any one he
loved her. While he stood thus at the parting
of the ways, his evil genius appeared on the scene
in the shape of Frances, Countess of Jersey.1
Lady Jersey, who before her marriage had been
known as the " beautiful Miss Twysden," was the
daughter of an Irish Bishop, and married Lord
Jersey, who held high office in the court of George
III. Ever susceptible to the charms of female beauty,
the fickle Prince fell a victim to her wiles. At the
time the Prince came under her influence Lady
1 Frances, Countess of Jersey, daughter of the Bishop of Raphoe,
who married the fourth Earl of Jersey, Lord Chamberlain and Master
of the Buckhounds.
308 MRS. FITZHERBERT
Jersey was well past her youth, and the mother of a
numerous family — indeed she was already a grand-
mother. To the Prince her mature age was an
additional attraction, for, in the earlier part of his
life, he always preferred women older than himself.
Lady Jersey was still in the meridian of her charms,
and she was undoubtedly a fascinating woman.
Wraxall speaks of her " irresistible fascination and
charm." Her beauty was of a type which appealed
wholly to the senses, but she had wit and ambition
with it. She was a passionate, an unprincipled, and
intriguing woman, yet withal a very fine lady. She
was a great friend of Lady Harcourt,1 and through
her a favourite of Queen Charlotte. From the
moment that chance threw her in the Prince's way
she used all her arts to enslave him, and before
long he was completely subjugated. Her rank
and position at court made her different from those
other ladies of whom he had made easy conquests,
and the difference lent a zest. Queen Charlotte soon
came to know of the Prince of Wales's infatuation
for Lady Jersey. The Queen posed as a dragon
of virtue, and no doubt she was so, but in this
case, so far from disapproving of her son's liaison,
she seemed rather to encourage it ; at least she
did not withdraw her favour from Lady Jersey,
who stood higher with her than before. Queen
Charlotte was anxious to break Mrs. Fitzherbert's
influence over her son, and Lady Jersey, knowing
this, at once set to work to undermine it. She piqued
the Prince's vanity by repeating the current gossip
1 Lady Harcourt was Lady of the Bedchamber to Queen Charlotte ;
Lord Harcourt was Master of the Horse to George III.
THE FIRST SEPARATION 309
that Mrs. Fitzherbert cared for his rank alone.
She artfully insinuated that his continual con-
nection with a Roman Catholic was the sole
cause of his unpopularity, she exaggerated the
Protestant prejudice against her, she sympathised
with the Prince in his money troubles, and hinted
that Mrs. Fitzherbert was an insuperable obstacle
to their settlement ; she made light of that lady's
claims upon the Prince, she urged that he was not
bound to her in any way, that he was perfectly
free to marry whom he wished. Had not eminent
lawyers and godly bishops decided to that effect
in the case of Prince Augustus Frederick ? Mrs.
Fitzherbert was taking an unfair advantage of
an act of boyish folly. Lady Jersey knew the
wishes of the King and Queen with regard to
the Prince's marriage to a German princess, and
she imagined that if she could bring it about she
would advance her own interests at court. Such a
marriage of policy, she argued, would render the
breach with Mrs. Fitzherbert complete and final.
On the other hand, it would not affect her influence
over the Prince, for he was sure to regard his
wife with indifference, and she (Lady Jersey) would
reign supreme.
The Prince listened to the voice of the temptress,
and the fact that he listened showed her that he
was yielding. Perhaps he was willing to be per-
suaded, and when persuasion came from such a
quarter he could not resist it. The combined effect
of Lady Jersey's allurements and arguments, and
his own desperate financial condition, proved too
strong for the Prince ; he yielded so far as to take
310 MRS. FITZHERBERT
the preliminary step of breaking with Mrs. Fitz-
herbert.
The blow came in June 1794, and found Mrs.
Fitzherbert quite unprepared. She was then stay-
ing at her villa near Richmond, and the Prince was
at Brighton. Mrs. Fitzherbert intended to go to
Brighton later. In the meanwhile the Prince had
arranged to meet her at dinner at the Duke of
Clarence's at Bushey on a certain day. She had
no idea that anything was wrong between them ;
for she had recently received the following hurried
note from the Prince at Brighton : —
" MY DEAR LOVE, — I have just receiv'd a letter
from my Sister by the [illegible] this Evening,
desiring me to come to Windsor, which tho' ex-
ceptionally inconvenient to me at this moment in
particular, owing to my being to give my annual
Regimental dinner on Wednesday, I mean to
comply with, & set out to-morrow morning early,
having put off my dinner & all my Company to
Friday. I therefore mean to pass Wednesday in
London & return here on Thursday — I have just
been dining at the General's, where we have had
a very pleasant and a very jolly party. Adieu my
dear Love, excuse haste, — Ever Thine,
"G. P.
" BRIGHTON, June 23, I794-"1
1 This letter was found among Mrs. Fitzherbert's papers after her
death ; it was one of the few which escaped being burnt in 1833,
probably because she had mislaid it. It is endorsed in her own
handwriting, " This letter I receaved the mor8 of the day the Prince
sent me word, he would never enter my house (Lady Jersey's
influence)." The letter was lent me by one who cherishes the
memory of Mrs. Fitzherbert.
THE FIRST SEPARATION 311
When Mrs. Fitzherbert arrived at the Duke of
Clarence's she found the Prince was not there. But
a letter from him was given to her, saying he would
never enter her house again. Lord Stourton gives
the following account of the episode, which, though
it does not wholly tally with the foregoing letter,
may be regarded as substantially correct: — "Her
first separation from the Prince was preceded by no
quarrel or even coolness, and came upon her quite
unexpectedly. She received, when sitting down
to dinner at the table of William IV., then Duke
of Clarence, the first intimation of the loss of her
ascendency over the affections of the Prince ;
having only the preceding day received a note
from his Royal Highness, written in his usual
strain of friendship, and speaking of their appointed
engagement to dine at the house of the Duke of
Clarence. The Prince's letter was written from
Brighton, where he had met Lady Jersey. From
that time she never saw the Prince. . . ." *
Mrs. Fitzherbert knew the quarter whence the
blow came ; she knew that Lady Jersey was with
the Prince, and, wounded in her love and her
pride, she made no answer to his letter, and seems
to have had no further communication with him,
at least directly. As the Prince gave no explana-
tion for his extraordinary conduct, she sought none.
She abandoned her intention of going to Brighton
for the summer, and for a short time she appears
to have gone abroad. Some say she went to
Switzerland, and from the troubled state of France
at the time, this seems a probable place of her
1 Langdale, op. cit.
312 MRS. FITZHERBERT
retreat. It is said that the Prince repented after
a few days, and was anxious to see her and offer
an explanation. But she withdrew without a word,
and left the field clear for her rival. From a
tactical point of view this was a mistake, for with
so unstable a character as the Prince, "out of
sight, out of mind," was always true. Her silence
seemed to him a proof that she no longer loved
him. Perhaps, had she been more yielding, what
happened later would never have taken place.
Meanwhile rumour, which had so often prophe-
sied the separation, was busy again. Lord Mor-
nington writes to Lord Grenville (Brighton, July
15, 1794) : " I heard last night from no less
authority than Tom the Third1 that a treaty of
separation and provision is on foot (if not already
concluded) between his Royal Highness and the
late ' Princess Fitz.' I think you ought to marry
his Royal Highness to some / 'row immediately ; and
I am told (by the same eminent authority) that
he is very well disposed to take such a wife, as it
may be his Majesty's pleasure to provide for him." 2
The surmise proved correct. Swayed by the
prompting of self-interest, worried by his debts,
influenced by the sensuous wiles of Lady Jersey,
resentful at the way in which Mrs. Fitzherbert had
received his communication, giving him silence when
he had expected tears, contempt instead of en-
treaties and reproaches, the Prince stifled the voice
of his conscience and made the plunge.
1 Mr. Thomas William Coke of Holkham, first Earl of Leicester
(1752-1842), also known as " King Tom."
2 Fortescue MSS. Historical MSS. Com., vol. ii.
THE FIRST SEPARATION 313
Within six weeks of his breaking from Mrs.
Fitzherbert the Prince announced to the King
his willingness to agree to his terms and marry
as his father wished. Having at last brought
himself to the point, the Prince did not care who
his bride was, provided his debts were paid. He
had to seek a wife among the Protestant prin-
cesses of Germany, and he is reported to have
said " that one d d German frow was as good
as another." Among this great company of mar-
riageable princesses two stood out pre-eminently —
Louise, Princess of Mecklenburg - Strelitz, niece
of Queen Charlotte, and Caroline, Princess of
Brunswick, niece of George III.
The former princess, Princess Louise, was in-
finitely superior in beauty, refinement, and abilities
to the other. She afterwards became the famous
Queen Louise of Prussia. But unfortunately for
England (though perhaps fortunately for herself),
the Prince would not hear of her as a wife ; she
was his mother's niece, her favourite candidate for
the honour of his hand, and that was sufficient for
him to refuse her. He had no wish to raise a
second princess of the house of Mecklenburg to
the throne of England; "one of that family
was enough," he said rudely. His choice fell on
his first cousin, Caroline of Brunswick, whose
mother, the King's sister, was by birth an Eng-
lishwoman. His choice is said to have been
dictated by Lady Jersey, to whom the unsuitable
character of this Princess was known by report.
Nothing could be farther from her schemes than
that the Prince should fall in love with his wife,
3H MRS. FITZHERBERT
as he might have done had he married the beau-
tiful and accomplished Princess Louise. There-
fore, to quote Lord Holland : " She [Lady Jersey]
may have decided his preference for a woman of
indelicate manners, indifferent character, and not very
inviting appearance, from the hope that disgust for
the wife would secure constancy to the mistress."
Thus came about the Prince's strange choice of
Caroline of Brunswick, strange because if he had
searched all over Europe he could not have found
a princess more unsuited to him in every respect.
The Prince did not trouble to make any inquiries
about his bride. Having made up his mind to
marry, he acted, as he always did, in a hurry ;
perhaps he feared that if he delayed or hesitated
longer his conscience might awaken. He went
to the King at once. "The Prince of Wales,"
said Lord Liverpool, " told his father very abruptly
one day, on his return from hunting, that he wished
to marry. ' Well,' said the King, ' I will then,
with your consent, send some confidential person
to report on the Protestant princesses of the stated
age and character, but qualified for such an alliance.
Your wife must be a Protestant and a princess : in
all other respects your choice is unfettered.' ' It
is made,' replied the Prince ; ' the daughter of the
Duke of Brunswick.' George III. replied that to
his own niece he could take no exception ; but yet
he recommended his son to make more circum-
stantial inquiries about her person and manners,
&c. The Prince pretended to have done so."1
1 "Memoirs of the Whig Party." Lord Liverpool in 1820 gave
Lord Holland the above account, saying that he had it directly from
George III.
THE FIRST SEPARATION 315
The King lost no time in communicating the
glad news to his Prime Minister ; he wrote to
Pitt :—
" WEYMOUTH, August 24, 1794.
" Agreeable to what I mentioned to Mr. Pitt
before I came here, I have this morning seen the
Prince of Wales, who has acquainted me with his
having broken off all connection with Mrs. Fitz-
herbert, and his desire of entering into a more
creditable line of life by marrying ; expressing at
the same time that my niece, the Princess of
Brunswick, may be the person. Undoubtedly she
is the person who naturally must be most agree-
able to me. I expressed my approbation of the
idea, provided his plan was to lead a life that would
make him appear respectable, and consequently
render the Princess happy. He assured me that he
perfectly coincided with me in opinion. I then said
that till Parliament assembled, no arrangement
could be taken except my sounding my sister,
that no idea of any other marriage may be en-
couraged.1
"G. R."
The King then set about "sounding his sister,"
an empty phrase, for the Duchess of Brunswick,2
who dearly loved her native country, was over-
joyed at the brilliant prospect thus opened to her
daughter. In November the indispensable Lord
1 Lord Stanhope's " Life of Pitt," ii. 20. (Appendix.)
2 Augusta, eldest daughter of Frederick Prince of Wales and sister
of George III. (1737-1813), married Charles William, Duke of
Brunswick.
316 MRS. FITZHERBERT
Malmesbury was despatched to Brunswick to settle
the details of the marriage treaty and to bring the
bride to England.
So far nothing had been made public on the sub-
ject, but rumour, always busy, travelled even to Mrs.
Fitzherbert in her retirement and whispered of the
projected marriage of the Prince of Wales. She
had heard the rumour so often before, that at first
she discredited it, for she remembered his vows and
promises. But the rumour became so persistent
and so explicit that her heart misgave her. The
Prince's silence too was ominous. The first flush
of her anger and grief at his letter had now sub-
sided ; she could review matters more calmly. She
began to make excuses for him ; she attributed
their misunderstanding to Lady Jersey, but she did
not believe that lady could maintain her sway very
long ; she knew, or thought she knew, the Prince's
character too well. He had often gone astray
before, and had always come back to her, after a
longer or a shorter interval, penitent and full of
promises of amendment. She had forgiven so
much and overlooked so much that this time she
had determined to be sterner. Therefore she
had returned no answer to his letter (he did not
indeed ask for one) and had gone away with-
out a word. But when the weeks passed and she
heard nothing from him it began to be borne in
upon her that this estrangement was likely to be
serious. She blamed herself for having acted so
hastily in going abroad. She returned to England
in September and went to her villa at Richmond.
There the rumour again assailed her that the Prince
THE FIRST SEPARATION 317
of Wales was betrothed to a German princess. Yet
still she persisted in disbelieving, in hoping against
hope. At last, in November, she was informed
from an authoritative source that the Prince was
going to marry his cousin, the Princess Caroline of
Brunswick.
To Mrs. Fitzherbert the news came as a crushing
blow, an overwhelming revelation of the Prince's
perfidy. It was a public repudiation of her, even
more damaging than Fox's memorable speech in
Parliament. Her happiness, her dignity, her fortune,
all suffered by it, and though she knew herself to be
his wife in the sight of her Church (which was to her
in the sight of God), in the eyes of the world she
was made to appear nothing but a cast-off mistress.
Lady Augusta Murray, though repudiated by the
law, had at least consolation in the fact that her
marriage, whether legal or illegal, was publicly
acknowledged to have taken place, and her husband
maintained that she was his wife, notwithstanding
the decision of the courts of law. Mrs. Fitzherbert
had no such consolation, The fact of her marriage
had been twice denied in Parliament, and her
husband now had publicly repudiated her. She
had in her possession documents which proved be-
yond all doubt that she was married to the Prince,
and, if she chose to publish them, her character
would be cleared. It was in her power to inflict a
most damaging blow on the man who had thus be-
trayed her, yet the thought of taking such revenge
never crossed her mind. Even now, when he did
her the cruellest wrong a man could do a woman,
she loved him, and was disposed to make excuses
3i 8 MRS. FITZHERBERT
for him, laying the blame on his desperate plight,
and on his evil advisers rather than on him-
self.
Soon after the news of the betrothal had been
communicated to her, Mrs. Fitzherbert received a
communication from the Prince's lawyers informing
her that the ^3000 a year which had been granted
to her since her marriage would be continued as
before. Her first impulse was to refuse it, but at
this point her uncle, Mr. Errington, intervened,
and positively forbade her to do so. He, like
all Mrs. Fitzherbert's relatives and friends, was
full of sympathy for her, but he knew the volatile
character of the Prince, and he took the view that
the separation, which had now come, was inevitable
sooner or later — the only wonder to him was that
it had not come before. He had tried in 1785 to
dissuade his niece from this ill-advised union, but
as she was inflexible, he satisfied himself that
the marriage would be valid according to the law
of his Church, and then let things go. So, now
that separation had come, he was too wise to re-
monstrate with either of the parties, but contented
himself with looking after his niece's interests as
well as he could. The task was easy, for Mr.
Errington found the Prince more than ready to
meet him half-way. The offer to continue the
annuity of ^3000 was quite spontaneous on the
part of the Prince. More than that, he had re-
quested the Lord Chancellor, Lord Loughborough,
to ask the King, in the event of the Prince's death
before that of his father, to take it upon himself to
continue to Mrs. Fitzherbert the pension. To this
THE FIRST SEPARATION 319
George III. consented without demur. The Lord
Chancellor wrote to the Prince of Wales : —
"December 19, 1794.
" SIR, — In obedience to your Royal Highness's
commands, I had the honour of representing to
His Majesty the anxiety you had expressed lest a
possible though very improbable event might in-
terrupt the continuance of that provision you had
thought proper to make for a Lady who had been
distinguished by your regard, and at the same time
to express the hope your Royal Highness enter-
tained that in such an event his Majesty's good-
ness might extend to the prolongation of it. His
Majesty was pleased to receive this communication
in the most gracious manner, observing at the same
time that in the natural order of things the occa-
sion was not likely to present itself, but that your
Royal Highness had no reason to entertain any
uneasiness on this account.
" I have the honour to be, with the most perfect
devotion, Sir, your Royal Highness's most faithful
and most obedient servant,
" LOUGHBOROUGH."
The Prince sent this letter to Miss Pigot, and
asked her to give it to Mrs. Fitzherbert as an
additional proof of his care for her future welfare.1
The incident is creditable both to the Prince and
1 Mrs. Fitzherbert in 1833 placed the letter among her papers
deposited at Coutts's Bank, though it does not appear in the list given
by Langdale, op. cit, p. 87. It is published here by permission of his
Majesty the King.
320 MRS. FITZHERBERT
the King. George III., though he did not know
the whole truth about his son's illegal marriage,
recognised that Mrs. Fitzherbert had special claims
on his consideration. Queen Charlotte recognised
them also, and from this time forward both the
King and the Queen showed her unvarying kind-
ness. Perhaps their consciences were not quite
easy about the way she had been treated, and this
made them the kinder. Lord Stourton says that
Mrs. Fitzherbert frequently assured him : — " That
there was not one of the royal family who had
not acted with kindness to her. She particularly
instanced the Queen ; and, as for George III., from
the time she set footing in England till he ceased to
reign, had he been her own father, he could not
have acted towards her with greater tenderness and
affection." This reads like exaggeration, unless the
words "from the time she set footing in England "
refer to her return from Switzerland in 1794, when
the negotiations for her future provision were pend-
ing. Previously to that date George III. does not
seem to have shown her any consideration, and his
allusion to her in his letter to Mr. Pitt could hardly
be described as paternal.
No hint of this confidential negotiation reached
the public ear. The air was thick with rumour and
conjecture, but beyond the fact that the Prince and
Mrs. Fitzherbert had separated, nothing definite
was known. Later it leaked out that an adequate
provision had been made for her, and evidence of
the completeness of the separation was given to the
world by Mrs. Fitzherbert's selling her mansion in
Pall Mall and giving up her house at Brighton.
THE FIRST SEPARATION 321
A few days after George III. had guaranteed the
continuance of Mrs. Fitzherbert's pension, in the
event of the prior death of his eldest son, the King
announced the forthcoming marriage in a speech
which he delivered to both houses of Parliament on
December 30, 1794. "I have," said his Majesty,
"the greatest satisfaction in announcing to you the
conclusion of a treaty of marriage between my dear
son, the Prince of Wales, and the Princess Caroline,
daughter of the Duke of Brunswick." Then he
went on to recommend that a suitable provision be
made for the Prince's establishment. This was the
first official announcement of the marriage.
The public curiosity was great. What would Mrs.
Fitzherbert say ? What would she do ? But Mrs.
Fitzherbert uttered no cry, and made no complaint.
She closed her doors to h£r friends, and went
into retirement as though she were widowed, thus
escaping the sympathy of those who wished her
well, and the curious gaze of the vulgar. In this, as
in all crises of her life, her conduct was admirable
in its dignity and self-restraint.
Meanwhile preparations for the marriage between
the Prince of Wales and Princess Caroline of Bruns-
wick went on apace. Lord Malmesbury has told
us in full the story of his mission to Brunswick,1
where the bride-elect resided. There is no need to
repeat it here. Suffice it to say that Lord Malmes-
bury records from the first that he had misgivings ;
but his judgment of the Princess was perhaps pre-
judiced. Princess Caroline had her good qualities,
but they were apparently those which this courtier
1 Malmesbury, op. cit.
VOL. I. X
322 MRS. FITZHERBERT
and diplomatist was incapable of appreciating. She
was warm-hearted, candid, generous, and brave.
There was nothing mean or paltry in her disposition,
and with a kindly and judicious guide she might
have developed into a fine character. Lord Malmes-
bury saw in her only an ungraceful and undignified
young woman, whose florid good looks and boister-
ous good-humour were marked by an utter absence
of dignity and refinement. Her conversation was
broad, sometimes even coarse ; she was careless in
her dress and not very cleanly in her person. She
was given to making the most indiscreet confidences,
and to cultivating excessive familiarity with her
inferiors. The mattresse en litre of the Duke of
Brunswick thus spoke of her to Lord Malmesbury,
in words that were almost prophetic : " She is not
corrupted ; she has never done anything really bad,
but she has no command of her words ; she confides
in every one, and when she is surrounded in London
with clever intriguers, everything she says will be
repeated and distorted." It may be added that,
though no beauty, she was not bad-looking. Mrs.
Harcourt writes, " In looks there is some resem-
blance to what Mrs. Fitzherbert was when young."
And again, "She is all openness of heart, and has
not a shadow of pride." '
The Princess Caroline made no concealment of
her delight at the prospect of becoming Princess of
Wales ; she was not hypocritical enough to profess
either respect or affection for her future husband ;
1 Lord Malmesbury's " Memoirs."
3 " Harcourt Papers." (The Hon. Mrs. Harcourt was the wife of
General Harcourt.)
THE PRINCESS CAROLINE OF BRUNSWICK
(From a Picture in the Palace at Brunswick}
THE FIRST SEPARATION 323
she had never seen him, but she knew all about him
and his mode of life, and she asked many questions
concerning matters on which it would have been
better taste for her to have kept silence. She had
heard the rumours of his marriage with Mrs. Fitz-
herbert, but she regarded it as a left-handed marriage,
and therefore of no account — the German view.
There is a correspondence published, evidently
spurious, in which the Prince is made to tell his
future wife quite frankly that he can have neither
love nor respect for her, that he is marrying simply
to pay his debts, that all his heart is given to
another woman, whom he regards as his wife, and
that, if she consulted her happiness, it would be
better for her not to come to England. The Prin-
cess is made to reply that what he had told her makes
no difference, she knows her duty. These letters
must be forgeries, for many genuine letters of the
Prince to Lord Malmesbury are in existence, in
which he urges the envoy to "set off instantly"
and bring the Princess with all speed to England
(probably his creditors were pressing), to which
Lord Malmesbury replies that "not an hour shall
be lost." Yet by this time, though Lord Malmes-
bury kept a discreet silence, many unflattering
reports of the person, character, and manners of the
Princess Caroline were being circulated about the
English court, and must have reached the ears of
the Prince of Wales. He heeded them not, for
the articles of the marriage-treaty had been signed,
and more important still, the Prince had received
assurances that his debts would be paid in full. It
was too late to draw back with dignity, even if he
324 MRS. FITZHERBERT
had been so minded. He probably did not care a
straw for these rumours. It was not a wife he
wanted, but money ; and so long as the wife was
the means of his getting the money, he cared for
little else. He was already prejudiced against the
Princess. The moment Lady Jersey knew that the
marriage-treaty was signed, she left off poisoning
the Prince's mind against Mrs. Fitzherbert, and
concentrated all her energies on maligning his
betrothed bride. She repeated and exaggerated all
the gossip and scandal she could gather regarding
the Princess Caroline and her early life. Queen
Charlotte, who was annoyed by the Prince's curt
refusal of her niece, the Princess Louise, was also
prejudiced against Princess Caroline. Years ago
she had quarrelled with her mother, and was
prepared to keep up the family feud with the
daughter. She even consented to the appointment
of Lady Jersey (though the relations between the
Prince and that lady were notorious) as lady-in-
waiting to the new Princess of Wales.
Lord Malmesbury brought the Princess to Eng-
land in July 1795. Mrs. Harcourt had attended
her from Hanover, and Lady Jersey went down to
meet the Princess on her landing with smooth words
on her lips, and malice and hatred in her heart.
" Thus did she arrive in England, conducted by
her bitterest enemy (a lady well practised in the arts
of tormenting, insulting, and degrading a rival) to a
husband half estranged already, with no protection
but at court, where, if the King was disposed to
take part against his heir-apparent, old resentments
and recent disappointments rendered the Queen
THE FIRST SEPARATION 325
averse to the daughter of the Duchess of Bruns-
wick."1
The friendless Princess was alone ; her mother had
parted from her at Stade, and it was not permitted
that any one of her country-women should come
with her. Her habit of indiscreet confidences began
at once. She confided to Lady Jersey on the road
to London the tale of an early attachment to a man
of inferior birth, and Lady Jersey afterwards repeated
every word she had said with gross exaggerations
to the Prince of Wales. The story of her arrival in
London and her reception by the Prince of Wales
is well known. As soon as the Princess arrived at
St. James's Palace, Lord Malmesbury went to tell
the Prince of Wales. He came immediately ; it
was noticed that he was agitated. What followed
is best told by Lord Malmesbury : "I, according
to the established etiquette, introduced (no one else
being in the room) the Princess Caroline to him.
She, very properly, in consequence of my saying
that it was the right mode of proceeding, attempted
to kneel to him. He raised her gracefully enough
and embraced her, said barely one word, turned
round, retired to a distant part of the apartment,
and, calling to me, said : ' Harris, I am not well :
pray get me a glass of brandy.' I said : 'Sir, had
you not better have a glass of water ? ' Upon
which he, much out of humour, said with an oath :
' No ; I will go directly to the Queen.' And away
he went."
Surely there never was a stranger scene. The
Princess, astounded at this extraordinary reception,
1 Holland, op. at.
326 MRS. FITZHERBERT
exclaimed: " Mon Dieul is he always like that?"
Then she added, " I find him very fat, and not at all
like the picture sent me." Lord Malmesbury tried
to make excuses for him, but the Princess was much
too shrewd to be imposed upon. She was much
disappointed, not only with her reception, but with
the person of her future husband, and she proceeded
to make many more uncomplimentary remarks.
In the evening there was a small dinner party at
St. James's, at which the Prince and his betrothed
met again. The Princess had by now recovered
her spirits ; she was probably very nervous, she was
certainly much excited, and not at all like what a
modest bride should be. She talked incessantly.
Lord Malmesbury speaks of her "flippant, rattling,
affected wit." She rallied the Prince before all the
company on his well-known penchant with absolute
lack of discretion. The Prince was disgusted.
Some excuse must be made for the Princess on this
occasion. She had already discovered the liaison
between her future husband and Lady Jersey. It
hurt her to the quick, and she assumed this air of
pertness in order to pretend that she did not care.
"The first moment I saw my futur and Lady
Jersey together I knew how it all was," she said
later, "and I said to myself, 'Oh, very well.' I
took my partie"* When the dinner was over the
King and Queen, and the other members of the
royal family came to welcome the Princess. It
was noticed that the King was cordial and affec-
tionate, but the Queen was very cold.
During the three days that elapsed between the
1 Bury, op. at.
THE FIRST SEPARATION 327
arrival of the Princess Caroline and the marriage,
the Prince of Wales was in a whirl of feeling and
nervous agitation. He found his bride even less to
his taste than Lady Jersey had predicted ; he already
disliked her, and this dislike, says Lord Malmesbury,
" when left to herself the Princess had not the talent
to remove, but by observing the same giddy manners
and the same coarse sarcasm increased it until it
became positive hatred." Yet it was not to Lady
Jersey that the Prince's thoughts reverted, but to
his discarded wife, Maria Fitzherbert. Not all the
allurements of Lady Jersey, nor all the potations in
which he freely indulged, could dull the voice of
conscience. His love for her had returned with
tenfold force, and he shrank with abhorrence from
doing her the. wrong involved by this marriage, more
especially doubtless because the bride was so little
to his liking. He bitterly upbraided his father and
mother for having urged him to marry. He cursed
his own weakness in yielding. The King resented
this vacillation, and said testily that he would take
the responsibility of breaking off the marriage if the
Prince really wished it. But as this involved the
non-payment of the Prince's debts, they were merely
idle words. The Queen, who suspected the truth,
contented herself by saying, " You know, George, it
is for you to say whether you can marry the Princess
or not," thus adroitly shifting the responsibility off
her own shoulders. The Prince lacked the courage
to face the situation, yet he was torn between two
opinions. The day before his marriage he rode
down to Richmond, and galloped passed Mrs. Fitz-
herbert's house, thus showing with whom his
328 MRS. FITZHERBERT
thoughts were. She saw him riding by ; no doubt
he intended that she should see him, and perhaps
had she made any sign, even then, at the eleventh
hour he would have broken off the match. But she
made none. At the clubs bets were offered freely
against the Prince's marriage coming off. The
wagers were lost.
The Prince of Wales was married to the Princess
Caroline of Brunswick in the Chapel Royal, St.
James's, on the evening of April 8, 1795. The
marriage was celebrated with the usual state and
magnificence, and with every sign of public rejoicing.
Though the Princess did not please her husband,
she had already won the favour of the populace.
The Prince was in a highly nervous state all
day, which increased as the hour of the ceremony
drew near. On his way from Carl ton House
to the Chapel Royal, he said to his chamber-
lain, Lord Moira, who was sitting opposite to him
in the coach, "It is no use, Moira, I shall never
love any woman but Fitzherbert." To this the
discreet Lord Moira made no reply. The Prince's
appearance and conduct in the Chapel Royal were
much commented upon. He scarcely looked at
his bride, and appeared more like a victim going
to the scaffold than a bridegroom to the altar.
He was dazed and bewildered, and evidently under
the influence of violent emotion. The Duke of
Bedford, one of the two unmarried dukes who
attended him to the altar, said he was under the
influence of brandy. But this could hardly have
been the only cause of his agitation, for he re-
peated the words coherently. If the Prince had
THE FIRST SEPARATION 329
been drinking it was in the hope that he might
drown his conscience. Lord Holland comes nearer
the truth when he says, " This manifest repugnance
to the marriage was attributed by many at the time
to remorse at the recollection of a similar ceremony
which had passed between him and Mrs. Fitz-
herbert." * At one time the remembrance seemed
to be too much for the Prince, for he rose from
his knees in the midst of a prayer. The Arch-
bishop paused : but the King stepped forward and
whispered something to his son ; the Prince knelt
down again and the ceremony proceeded to the
close without further interruption.
After the marriage the King and Queen held a
drawing-room. Then the royal family supped in
private, and later the newly-married pair drove to
Carlton House. So ended this unhappy day.
The popular enthusiasm was great. The whole
of London was illuminated, and the church bells
were rung all over the kingdom. Even at Rich-
mond, in the seclusion of Marble Hill, some echo
1 There are endless stories about what took place at the marriage.
Lady Maria Stuart wrote that the Prince " looked like death." Wraxall,
in his " Memoirs," writes, " that the Duke and Duchess of Dorset,
and the Duchess (Isabella) of Rutland, all of whom were present at
the ceremony, told him that . . . Dr. Moore, then Archbishop of
Canterbury, when reading the matrimonial service in the Chapel
Royal, gave unequivocal proofs of his apprehension that some engage-
ment of a moral or religious nature antecedently contracted by the
Prince might form a bar to the union which he was about to celebrate ;
for when he came to the words relative to ' either knowing of any
impediment,' he laid down the book and looked earnestly for a
second or two at the King, as well as at the royal bridegroom. The
latter was much affected, and shed tears. Not content with this tacit
allusion to the report, the Archbishop twice repeated the passage in
which the Prince engages to live from that time in nuptial fidelity
with his consort."
330 MRS. FITZHERBERT
of the popular rejoicings reached the ears of Mrs.
Fitzherbert. She seems to have cherished a hope
that the marriage would not take place, that even
at the last hour the Prince would draw back and
refuse to perjure himself. "Such implicit con-
fidence and blind credulity did she place in him,"
says one, "that when Orlando Bridgeman, now
Lord Bradford, went to inform Mrs. Fitzherbert of
the Prince's marriage, she would not believe it until
he swore that he himself had been present at the
ceremony, and when he did so, she fainted away." *
1 Bury, op. cit.
CHAPTER XVII
THE PRINCE'S WILL
(1796)
FOR some time after the marriage of the Prince
of Wales to Princess Caroline of Brunswick, Mrs.
Fitzherbert lived in retirement at Marble Hill.
She suffered much in health and spirits ; " her
heart," she told a friend, "was almost broken."
Her position as "wife yet no wife" was a difficult
one truly, and had she followed her inclination, she
would have continued in seclusion, or have left
England for a time. But her retirement from the
scene, as her friends and well-wishers reminded her,
would be liable to misinterpretation. Why should
she hide her head as one ashamed ? After all she
had done no wrong, the wrong had been done to her,
and to withdraw altogether from the world would be
to play into her enemies' hands, and give colour to
the many baseless rumours circulated against her.
So, upon reflection, she resolved to act in the
same way as she had done after Fox's denial of her
marriage in the House of Commons — to make no
difference in her mode of life, to go about exactly as
if nothing had taken place, and to let people say
what they would. But it was easier in 1787 than in
1795 ; then she had her husband by her side, now
she was alone. Nevertheless she braced herself to
331
332 MRS. FITZHERBERT
the effort, and the summer of the following year
(1796) found her once more in London. Her house
in Pall Mall had been given up, and in place of it
she bought another, at the corner of Tilney Street
and Park Lane. The entrance was in Tilney
Street, but the house fronted Park Lane, separated
from it by a tiny strip of garden. On the ground
floor Mrs. Fitzherbert retained three rooms espe-
cially for her own use, a boudoir, bedroom, and
dressing-room, the windows overlooking the Park. *
The house was admirably adapted for entertaining,
and contained handsome reception rooms. These
Mrs. Fitzherbert threw open to her friends, and they
were soon filled. Very general sympathy was felt
for her, combined with admiration for the quiet
courage and dignity with which she bore her
troubles. Many of her friends opined that she was
well rid of the Prince. Her social position never stood
better than in the year which followed the marriage
of the Prince of Wales to Princess Caroline, not
even in 1787. In one respect it stood higher than
then, for though abandoned by the Prince, the royal
1 This house, No. 6, Tilney Street, Park Lane, continued to be the
London residence of Mrs. Fitzherbert for over forty years, from 1796
until her death in 1837. It then passed into the possession of her
adopted daughter, the Hon. Mrs. George Dawson Damer, nte
Seymour, who lived there for many years. It afterwards became the
property of the third Earl Manvers, and is now occupied by the
Dowager Countess Manvers. By the courtesy of Lady Manvers I
have seen the rooms that Mrs. Fitzherbert retained for her own
use on the ground floor, with the windows fronting Park Lane.
Except that the furniture is more modern, the rooms are un-
changed from what they were in Mrs. Fitzherbert's day ; a solitary
relic remains in the shape of a jewel-box with the initials " G.R." In
the dining-room there hangs a portrait of George IV. by Sir Thomas
Lawrence and one of Mrs. Fitzherbert by Romney. The latter I
reproduce in this book by the kind permission of Lord Manvers.
THE PRINCE'S WILL 333
family, including the King and Queen, were her
friends. Lord Stourton gives an authoritative ac-
count of this period of Mrs. Fitzherbert's life. " One
of her great friends and advisers, Lady Clermont,
supported her on this trying occasion, and counselled
her to rise above her feelings and to open her house
to the town of London. She adopted this advice,
much as it cost her to do so, and all the fashionable
world, including all the royal dukes, attended her
parties. Upon this, as upon all occasions, she was
principally supported by the Duke of York, with
whom, through life, she was always united in the
most friendly and confidential relations." l
Meanwhile the married life of the Prince and
Princess of Wales, which had begun badly, was
going from bad to worse. The Prince started with
aversion, the Princess with indifference. Tolera-
tion and forbearance might have prevented disaster,
but these qualities neither of them possessed.
None the less, for the first few months the Prin-
cess honestly tried to do her best to win the
Prince's affection. Her best, it must be confessed,
was not very good ; she could not curb the levity
of her temperament or the flippancy of her tongue.
Her father had told her "to observe everything
and say nothing," but though she kept this saying
constantly before her, she was always making re-
marks in public, which were in the very worst of
taste. A great many of them were about Mrs.
Fitzherbert, whom she habitually designated as
"Fat — fair — forty." She frequently rallied the
Prince on this subject, and, full of remorse as he
1 Langdale, op. tit.
334 MRS. FITZHERBERT
was for his treatment of Mrs. Fitzherbert, the
Princess's clumsy gaiety irritated him almost to
madness. A few weeks after the marriage he
asked Lord Malmesbury "what he thought of
this sort of manners ? " and bitterly reproached him
for not having warned him about the Princess.
Lord Malmesbury punctiliously replied that he
had only received instructions from the King to
conclude the marriage-treaty, and " such matters
as manners " did not come within the scope of his
commission. Yet even he began to reproach him-
self that he had not spoken in time, and to fear
the worst. "It is impossible to foresee or con-
ceive any comfort from this connection," he writes,
" in which I lament very much having taken any
share, however passive it was." l The differences
between the ill -mated pair were aggravated by
Lady Jersey, who deliberately sought in every way
to poison the mind of the Prince against the Prin-
cess, and to prejudice the Princess still further
against her husband. She repeated to the Prince
all the indiscreet and unflattering remarks which
Caroline was perpetually making about the person
and conduct of her husband ; on the other hand,
she flaunted her liaison with the Prince before his
wife's eyes. The Princess determined to remove
her lady-in-waiting, but she was at first unable
to do so, for Lady Jersey had been placed about
her by Queen Charlotte. The Queen seems to
have used Lady Jersey as a sort of spy to inform
her of the shortcomings of her detested daughter-
in-law. She threw over Lady Jersey the aegis of
1 Malmesbury, op. cit.
THE PRINCE'S WILL 335
her own respectability ; she frequently gave her
private audiences, and afterwards set her down
to play cards with the princesses, her daughters
— a proceeding at least peculiar, for the Queen
prided herself on the immaculate virtue of her
intimate circle. At last the Princess made a formal
complaint to the King. The good old King took
his niece's part, and Lady Jersey was removed,
despite the jeers of the Queen, who declared it
was "all nonsense," and the opposition of the
Prince of Wales.
The Prince's sense of injury was increased by
the debates in Parliament concerning his debts, and
by what he considered to be the treachery of the
King and the Government. He said he had been
promised, if he married according to his father's
wishes, that his debts would be discharged in full,
and his income increased. The Duke of Clarence,
speaking in the House of Lords, said : "He would
not betray anything that passed in private con-
versation, but it was a matter of public notoriety
that, before the marriage took place, it was stipu-
lated that the Prince should, in the event of the
union, be disencumbered of his debts." The result
was very different. Pitt proposed that the Prince's
income should be increased to ,£125,000 a year,
exclusive of the revenues of the Duchy of Corn-
wall ; that all expenses of the marriage should be
defrayed, and £20,000 be granted for the additional
furnishing of Carl ton House. But, on the other
hand, he allotted nothing for the payment of the
Prince's debts, and proposed that £73,000 per
annum should be deducted from the Prince's
336 MRS. F1TZHERBERT
income by the Treasury until his debts were paid,
thus bringing the Prince's available income down
to a modest figure. Against this the Prince pro-
tested in vain. Parliament viewed both him and
his debts with marked disapproval, and, at last,
the Prince had to take what he could get. As
the Duke of Clarence expressed it in the House
of Lords, "His royal brother was in the situation
of a man who, if he cannot get a particular haunch
of venison, will take any other haunch rather than
go without." But the Prince was not satisfied
with his haunch ; he again made an ostentatious
parade of his poverty ; he gave no entertainments ;
he reduced his household, and sulked both in public
and private.
The unfortunate Princess was not to blame
for the bad faith of the King and the Govern-
ment, but it seems to have increased the Prince's
resentment against her. His debts were not
paid, and he was burdened with a wife whom
he detested. Quarrels now became frequent, for
the Princess had a high spirit, and was quick to
retort. There were faults on both sides, but on
the Prince's side the blame was the greater. Still,
a semblance of union was kept up between the
unhappy pair until the birth of the Princess Char-
lotte, which took place on January 7, 1796, exactly
nine months after the marriage. The Prince was
present at the birth, and he behaved with much
good feeling. He received with satisfaction the
congratulations of the great officers of state, who
were in attendance, on the birth of an heiress
presumptive to the throne. To the Prince the
THE PRINCE'S WILL 337
birth of this child meant something more than that ;
it meant his deliverance from an almost insupport-
able thraldom. In any case, the Prince would have
disliked his wife, for they were quite unsuited to
one another, but into his dislike there entered an
element of physical repulsion which he could not
(even if he would) overcome. The Prince had
unequalled powers of self-deception ; by this time
he had persuaded himself that he had married the
Princess of Wales, not because he wished to obtain
the payment of his debts, but from patriotism and
a sense of duty. He had sacrificed his own inclina-
tions in order to provide for the direct succession
to the throne. Now that purpose was accomplished,
there was no need to continue the sacrifice, and
he determined to escape from an intolerable situa-
tion without delay. He had been forced into this
detested marriage, a victim of political expediency.
In his eyes, it was merely a marriage of state, con-
ferring no obligations on him beyond the one he
had fulfilled.
The day after the birth of the Princess Charlotte
the Prince was seized with one of his sudden and
mysterious attacks of illness, brought on, no doubt,
by the agitation and excitement consequent on the
event. The attack, which was very violent, was
treated as usual with profuse bleeding, which left
him in a state of extreme weakness. The Prince
was, or thought that he was, in danger of his life ;
and his thoughts flew back to the woman whom he
loved more than any one else in the world, the woman
whom he still regarded as his wife, Maria Fitzher-
bert. He was full of remorse for the wrong he had
VOL. I. Y
338 MRS. FITZHERBERT
done her, the sin of it lay heavy on his soul, and
his conscience prompted him to make her all pos-
sible amends. As soon as he had rallied a little, he
drew up the following will in her favour, acknow-
ledging her to be his wife, and leaving her every-
thing he had in the world : —
" This is my last Will and Testament ', written in
my own hand, and executed by me, signed and
sealed this loth day of January, in the year of
Our Lord 1796.
" GEORGE P.1
" By this, my last Will and Testament, I now be-
queathe, give, and settle at my death all my worldly
property of every description, denomination and
sort, personal and other, to my Maria Fitzherbert,
my Wife, the Wife of my heart and soul. 2
Although by the laws of this country she could not
avail herself publicly of that name, still such she is
in the eyes of Heaven, was, is, and ever will be such
in mine. And for the truth of which assertion I
1 This will, the most interesting of the Fitzherbert papers, is the
document marked on Langdale's list (op. cit. p. 87), "No. 4, Will
written by the late King George IV." I am permitted to quote from
it the above extracts (all that relates to Mrs. Fitzherbert) by gracious
permission of his Majesty the King. This will, written in 1796,
was given by the Prince of Wales to Mrs. Fitzherbert in 1799, and
was always kept by her in a sealed packet. This packet was endorsed
by her, " In case of my death, this packet not to be opened, upon
any account whatever, but by the person I shall appoint by my will."
In 1833 Mrs. Fitzherbert placed this packet, with other papers, at
Coutts's Bank, where it remained until 1905, when it was removed,
with the rest, to the private archives at Windsor.
2 The italics are everywhere those of the Prince.
THE PRINCE'S WILL 339
appeal to that Gracious God Whom I have here
invoked to witness this my last disposition of my
property, together with such explanations and
declarations as are necessary for me to make, to
enable me to quit this life with a clear conscience,
and even without a sigh, except at the thought of
leaving Her (and perhaps too without first receiv-
ing the blessing of her forgiveness), who is my real
and true Wife, and who is dearer to me, even
millions of times dearer to me, than that life I am
now going to resign.
" As much has been said in the world relative to
our separation, I take it upon myself now thus to
declare that She (my Maria Fitzherbert) has been
most infamously traduced ; that her Person, her
Heart, and her Mind are, and ever have been, from
the first moment I knew her down to the present
moment, as spotless, as unblemished, and as per-
fectly pure as anything can be that is human and
mortal. Had it not been for the most infamous and
basest of calumnies, my too credulous and susceptible
heart, which knew no other feeling in life but for
Her, could never have been brought, even for a
single instant, to harbour a thought of separating
from such Worth ; nor was such a suspicion (O my
God, as Thou well knowest /) voluntarily sought by
me. (But as entering further upon this point would
involve others whom I pray Heaven to forgive, and
lead to more than I am now able to write, I shall
bury this in oblivion.)
"As to Her (I must, in justice to myself, so far
say), I am most confident that had not similar vile,
base, and scandalous wretches calumniated me to
340 MRS. FITZHERBERT
Her, and represented me in lights, and in a manner,
I here aver, I have never deserved, she never
could, or would, have persevered with such ap-
parent cruelty and obduracy so foreign to the
generous feelings of her soul, in rejecting for so
great a length of time, every explanation, every
submission, every step my tortured heart frequently
tried, and was most ready and anxious, to make, and
which finally drove me to despair.
" I now therefore, George Augustus Frederick,
Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall, &c. &c. &c.
do by this my last Will and Testament leave, will,
and bequeathe after my death, all my Estates, all
my Property, all my Personalities of whatever kind
or sort to my Maria Fitzherbert, ivho is my wife
in the eyes of God, and who is, and ever will be,
such in mine. . . -1
" I desire to mention Miss Pigot,2 who has been
so uniformly kind and attentive in her conduct both
to my Maria Fitzherbert as well as to me that it is
quite impossible that we must not both of us feel
most tenderly for her. I consequently did all that
was in my power whilst I enjoyed life for her, by
settling five hundred pounds annually on her during
1 Here follows a long, detailed description of the Prince's estates,
property, and personalities, which included all the money at his
bankers', certain land near Carlton House not the property of the
Crown, all the furniture and pictures at Carlton House, all the plate,
china, wines, books, pictures, " all my rings, trinkets, watches, boxes,"
all the land in or about the Pavilion at Brighton, all the property
and furniture in the Pavilion and in the next house to it, all the
horses and carriages, " in short, every article of property that is
mine."
2 Miss Pigot was the elderly lady who had lived with Mrs. Fitz-
herbert as dame de compagnie since her marriage to the Prince of
Wales in 1785.
MRS. FITZHERBERT
(From a Painting by GEORGE COSWAY, R.A., by permission of
Lady BLANCHE HAYGARTH)
THE PRINCE'S WILL 341
the natural course of my Life. I therefore do not
doubt that my Maria Fitzherbert will try to make
her easy and comfortable, unless she should first,
through the interests of my Family, who are all
acquainted with Miss Pigot, and with my regard
for her, procure her a comfortable maintenance for
the rest of her life as one of the Housekeepers
in one of the Royal Palaces and which will place
her in an easy and respectable independence for
the rest of her days.
" My Friend, the Earl of Moira, who I have ever
most affectionately loved, will I trust not object, as
the last testimony of his tried and long experienced
regard, to the being my Executor, and to the seeing
of this my Will most scrupulously adhered to.
And that he together with [Admiral] Payne will
guard and protect during their lives for the sake
of their departed Friend my beloved and adored
Maria Fitzherbert, my Wife, in short my Second
Self.
" Having now I trust made all the restitution
that is in my power to this most excellent Woman,
there only remains for me to hope that when she
is made acquainted with this entire and free dis-
position of my Property to Her, of this my candid
avowal and of the just tribute I have paid to her
merit, she will no longer withhold her forgiveness
from me, accompanying it with her blessing. I
assure her as I now do, that I shall die blessing
her, my only true and real Wife, with my part-
ing breath, and praying the Almighty and Most
Merciful Being, to whom in this paper I have
opened the innermost recesses of my heart and of
342 MRS. FITZHERBERT
my soul, to bless, protect, and guard her through
this life, looking forward to the moment when our
Souls in a better world may again be united, never
more to part.
" I desire that I may be buried with as little pomp
as possible, and that my constant companion, the
picture of my beloved Wife, my Maria Fitzherbert,
may be interred with me, suspended round my
neck by a ribbon as I used to wear it when I lived,
and placed right upon my heart} I likewise wish
and desire of my adored Maria Fitzherbert that,
whenever she quits this life and is interred, my
coffin should be taken up and placed next to hers,
wherever she is to be buried. And, if she has
no objection, that the two inward sides of the two
coffins should be taken out, and the coffins should
then be soldered together, as the late King's and
Queen's were.2 It is therefore my wish to be
buried not in my Family Vault, but anywhere^ as
privately as possible, in order that my ashes may
repose in quiet, until they are placed next to hers,
or united with hers.
" Having thus closed the scene ot a life most
full of trouble and misery, I have now only to bid
a last farewell to Her who whilst She and I were
One did constitute the sole and only happiness of
that life I am now going to resign. None have I
enjoyed since we separated, and none would I ever
expect to enjoy under any circumstances whatever,
unless we were once more to be united. To Her
1 We shall see that this request was literally carried out later.
2 George II. and Queen Caroline were buried like this in West-
minster Abbey.
THE PRINCE'S WILL 343
therefore my Maria, my Wife, my Life, my Soul
do I bid my last adieu.
" Written and signed by me with my
own hand.
"GEORGE P.1
©.
"CARLTON HOUSE, Jany. 10, 1796."
Two days later the Prince added the following
codicil : —
"In looking over the foregoing sheets I perceive
I have omitted a circumstance of the utmost im-
portance to my peace and quiet. That is, that
in the beginning of the last year or quite at the
end of the preceding year, in consequence of an
application from me to the King, through Lord
Loughborough, that his Majesty would be so
gracious (in case of my death before my Maria
Fitzherberf] as to be pleased to continue to her
for her Life the settlement I had for some years,
before, made upon Her of three thousand pounds
1 Yet it was of the man who could write this document that
Thackeray declared : " I know of no sentiment he ever distinctly
uttered. Documents are published under his name, but people wrote
them — private letters, but people spelt them. He put a great George
P. or George R. at the bottom of the page and fancied he had
written the paper ; some bookseller's clerk, some poor author, some
man did the work ; saw to the spelling, cleaned up the slovenly
sentences and gave the lax maudlin slipslop a sort of consistency"
(" The Four Georges "). Fortunately, apart from this document, which
was written by the Prince alone, without help, there exist many
private letters, published and unpublished, written by him with
his own hand, which give the lie to this statement. Many of these
letters are admirably written, perfectly correct in spelling and ex-
pressed with grace and felicity of diction. Except for a certain
redundance of expression he was an admirable letter- writer.
344 MRS. FITZHERBERT
annually during the natural term of my Life, the
Chancellor by the gracious command of the King
wrote to me, in consequence, that his Majesty did
not think such an event likely to happen, but in
case that it should be so that he would be answer-
able for it, which claims my warmest acknowledg-
ments, nor am I acquainted with language sufficiently
energetick to express half what I feel to the King
for this instance of his paternal and gracious
goodness and consideration : if I did I should
endeavour to express, though faintly, the grateful-
ness of my heart. My mind therefore is quite at
rest on this circumstance, as I place the fullest
and most ample reliance and faith in this, the
King's most kind and gracious promise. Lord
Loughborough's own letter (of which I received
a copy written in Miss Pigot's hand, and which
will be found amongst my papers) I gave to Miss
Pigot to deliver to my Maria Fitzherbert, which
I entertain not the slightest doubt but she did.
In which event it is in the possession of my Maria
Fitzherbert. But supposing that she [Miss Pigot]
may not have done so, or that it may not have
been in her power to do so, then it must be in
hers. This was a circumstance which escaped
my memory, and was of such serious import, and
of so essential a nature to my feelings, that I
should have deemed myself guilty of the most
unpardonable and scandalous neglect, if, upon the
revision of all I have here written, I had omitted
it, especially as it tells so much for the honour,
and is for the interest, of all parties. It also
testifies to what I owe in gratitude (and which I
THE PRINCE'S WILL 345
trust my heart has never in any instance been
deficient in) to the King as my Father.
" GEORGE P.
"CARLTON HOUSE, Jany. 12, 1796."
"The "whole of this Paper is written^ signed and
sealed by own hand. So help me God.
" GEORGE P."
The question forces itself upon us : Was
the Prince sincere when he wrote this will ?
There is no doubt that he was absolutely sincere.
He wrote it at a time when he believed himself
to be in danger of his life, and to right a wrong
he had done to a woman whom he truly loved.
Men do not lie to themselves at such a time. It
was at once his confession and his apologia; a
human document which reveals the man as he
was, weak and emotional maybe, but very far
removed from the heartless voluptuary his enemies
have depicted him. He did not write it for publi-
cation, nor with the object of enticing Mrs. Fitzher-
bert to return to him. Not until three and a half
years later (when she had already promised to
return subject to the sanction of her Church) did
the Prince show her this will. That he acted
deliberately, and not on the impulse of the
moment, in making it is shown by the fact that
he also made two copies of it — one he gave
to the King under his seal, and one to Lord
346 MRS. FITZHERBERT
Moira, whom he had appointed his executor.
The original draft he kept himself — it was the
one he later gave to Mrs. Fitzherbert. The docu-
ment gains a special significance from the date on
which it was written, three days after the birth of
the heiress presumptive to the throne. In the light
of subsequent events it would seem to have been
the first step the Prince took to escape from a
condition of affairs that had become intolerable
to him.
The second step was not long in coming. The
Princess Charlotte was christened on February n,
1796, and the Princess of Wales was declared to
be convalescent. The Prince of Wales removed
from Carlton House to Windsor Castle, and a few
weeks later came the inevitable separation. The
Princess has herself given the following account of
what happened to a friend : " Well, after I lay in
—je vous jure 'tis true, upon my honour, upon my
soul 'tis true — I receive a message through Lord
Cholmondeley to tell me I never was to have de
great honour of inhabiting de same room wid my
husband again. I said : ' Very well, but as my
memory was very short, I begged to have dis
polite message in writing from him.' I had it,
and was free." 1 The letter the Prince wrote to
his wife on this occasion has been often quoted,
but we repeat it here.
" MADAM, — As Lord Cholmondeley informs me
that you wish I would define, in writing, the terms
upon which we are to live, I shall endeavour to
1 Bury, op. cit.
THE PRINCE'S WILL 347
explain myself on that head, with as much clearness,
and with as much propriety as the nature of the
subject will admit. Our inclinations are not in our
power, nor should either of us be held answerable
to the other, because nature has not made us suit-
able to each other. Tranquil and comfortable
society is, however, in our power ; let our inter-
course, therefore, be restricted to that, and I will
distinctly subscribe to the condition which you
required through Lady Cholmondeley, that even
in the event of any accident happening to my
daughter (which I trust Providence in its mercy
will avert), I shall not infringe the terms of the
restriction by proposing, at any period, a connection
of a more particular nature. I shall now finally
close this disagreeable correspondence, trusting
that, as we have completely explained ourselves
to each other, the rest of our lives will be passed
in uninterrupted tranquillity. I am, Madam, with
great truth, very sincerely yours,
" GEORGE P.
" WINDSOR CASTLE, April 30, 1796."
The Princess waited a week before replying to
this letter, and then she wrote in French, agreeing
to her husband's terms. But she said "the credit
of this arrangement belongs to you alone," and she
declared that it would be her duty to give "an
example of patience and resignation under every
trial," a declaration which was no more fulfilled than
her husband's hope that " the rest of our lives may
be passed in uninterrupted tranquillity."
348 MRS. FITZHERBERT
The Princess, whose pride was much wounded
by this cavalier treatment, first thought of returning
to Brunswick to her parents, and then, for she was
a woman of many moods, of appealing to the King
to bring about a reconciliation. The King did
make the attempt, but he found that the Prince
disliked his wife too intensely to listen to any
proposal on the subject. The Princess could not
be expected to understand that she inspired her
husband with positive disgust ; she did not enter-
tain the same feeling towards him, though she did
not like him. She had a quick temper and a ready
tongue ; she did not mean half what she said ; she
spoke in haste and repented at leisure, and she
thought that the Prince was like her. Though
she had agreed to the separation, she could not
believe that the estrangement would be permanent.
For a time she kept a suite of rooms at Carlton
House as a pied d terre, but the Prince would not
cross the threshold of his palace while she was there,
so at last she retired to a villa at Charlton near
Blackheath. She was allowed free access to her
daughter, and attended the drawing-rooms at St.
James's and other court ceremonies. The King
treated her with unvarying kindness and respect,
and public feeling was wholly on her side ; in fact
she bid fair to become the idol of the populace.
Whenever the Princess appeared in public she was
cheered to the echo, and she eagerly welcomed
these popular demonstrations in her favour. It
was natural for her to do so, but indiscreet, as
it added to her husband's dislike an element of
jealousy.
THE PRINCE'S WILL 349
So matters continued for two years, and still the
Princess did not give up all hope of a reconciliation,
the more so as for a long time the Prince had
showed unmistakable signs of having wearied of
Lady Jersey. The Princess persisted in regard-
ing Lady Jersey as the cause of her troubles,
whereas she was only an incident in them. The
Prince's manner towards his former favourite was
cold and distant, and he avoided her upon every
possible occasion; indeed he had never been intimate
with her since his separation from the Princess of
Wales. There was no open rupture, for Lady
Jersey obstinately refused to take any hint, how-
ever broad, of the Prince's desire to be rid of
her ; he on his part was unwilling, or afraid, to
quarrel publicly with her. The Prince was much
embarrassed by the persistence of the lady, and
he employed one of his friends, Edward Jerning-
ham, " The Poet," to give her a strong hint to
leave him alone. Edward Jerningham went to
see Lady Jersey, whom he found "very artful."
He writes : —
" Lady Jersey is now in the Transit of Venus.
It was very evident her reign was drawing to its
Period. I believe I have mentioned this circum-
stance before, but the singularity attending the
progression of this affair is that the Lady will not
acknowledge any difference or diminution of regard
on his side. This embarrasses the Prince exceed-
ingly, as he wishes to let her down gently, and to
separate amicably, which he thinks cannot be done
if he should dismiss her in town, and unequivocally.
I have given her intimations and broad suggestions
350 MRS. FITZHERBERT
which she will not understand, or at least does not
seem to understand." l
Though Lady Jersey refused to admit it, she
must have known in her heart that her day was
over. The Prince made no secret that he was
weary of her. She had appealed wholly to his
senses, and his senses were surfeited. The Princess
of Wales, who from afar watched every movement
of her husband with keen interest, rejoiced greatly at
the downfall of her enemy, but she soon discovered
that she would not be the gainer. The Prince's
heart had long since gone back to the only woman
he ever loved, the woman who still regarded herself
as his wife, Maria Fitzherbert.
1 Letter of Mr. Edward Jerningham to the Hon. Lady Jerningham
(1798). "Jerningham Letters."
END OF VOL. I
Printed by BALLANTYNK, HANSON &• Co.
Edinburgh 6* London
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY
Los Angeles
This book is DUE on the last date stamped below.
Form L9-75m-7,'61( 0143784) 444
DA
v.l
UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY
A 000 951 900 o